
SALOONS AND "BAD MEN"
IT has been said that most Arizona
towns began with the opening of a
saloon to supply the necessities of life, later a grocery store would be started to furnish the luxuries.
Possibly the idea that this
statement intended to convey was that in pioneer Arizona the saloon was not
only the poor man's club, but
almost every man's club, and
when the rear section of it was occupied by the usual Chinese restaurant, it came
perilously near being many
men's home as well. We, naturally, are not commending the custom, we simply record the historic fact.
Within the saloon were gaming tables. It is not strange that so many of Arizona's
early citizens were gamblers
in one form or another. An old
pioneer friend of ours says they couldn't help being, that every time a miner visited his
shaft, every time a cowboy
went out after a "bunch" of
cattle, every time a traveler started on a journey, he gambled his pay check or hope of profit
against his life.
In the earlier days, poker and monte were the favorite saloon games, but later, in such
places as Brown's "Congress
Hall" in Tucson, or Gus Hirshfeldt's
"Palace" at Phoenix, the opportunities to contribute to that
fickle jade, Miss Fortune, would include one or more faro layouts, a
roulette table, a crap game,
a kino corner and perhaps a Chinese lottery. In these saloons, whose doors had
no keys and whose nights were
the principal parts of the days,
there was always music and a lady in a gown of carmine or sunset pink would place
vocal gymnastics in
competition with what was usually a very good orchestra composed of Mexicans,
who played entirely by ear.
The most popular game at the "Palace" was faro, where the seats about the table
would always be full, with
more men standing behind. One queer rule of etiquette was that while social
proprieties would not admit a
negro playing with the whites at
faro, a Chinaman would be admitted upon perfect equality. There the long queued celestial would sit by the hour, and, whether
winning or losing, his face
would have all the facile mobility of expression of a granite tombstone. The
colored customers would play
craps and the mixed, unopulent
clientele of the house, black-and-tan and white who wished to indulge their gambling
proclivities with small risk
concerned themselves at kino. Roulette
seemed to hold special attraction for the tenderfoot who had money to burn and
didn't mind the smell of
smoke. In consequence more than one gentleman from east of the Mississippi
was reduced from opulence to
penury in a single evening, due
to the unfortunate dropping of a small ball on the wrong color and number of a
wheel. Occasionally, of
course, a player would make a big winning which would
be widely heralded, and which
would result in increased playing at all of the tables.
There were many reasons why the owners of the tables found their calling a lucrative
one. The two basic reasons
are these: first, all games have a certain percentage in favor of the
dealers; second, ninety nine
men out of a hundred, sooner or
later, come back to the game if they win, and every man has to stop playing when he is
broke. Indeed, the average
laborer when he came to town did
not expect to win with any consistency. His business in town was to "blow in" his pay
check or his gold dust, and
he expected to go back penniless to the hills, or his job, when his fling
was over. So it happened, in
every town of any size, the workers
supported a group of affable, well mannered, cool-eyed, cool-fingered, law-abiding
gentlemen, who dressed well
and were good spenders, at
the expense of others. In the big places the dealers worked in shifts of four hours at
a time, the twenty four hours
through.
As told by Captain Bourke: "Isn't it rather late for you to be open?" asked the tenderfoot
arrival from the East as (at
Tucson) he descended from the
El Paso stage about four o'clock in the morning and dragged himself to the bar to get
something to wash the dust
out of his throat.
"Wa-a-al, it is kinder late
fur th' night afore last,"
genially replied the bartender, "but's jest'n the shank o' th' evenin' fur t'night."
From the saloon to the professional "bad" man of the country is an easy
transition, as the saloon was
the parade ground where the bad man strutted. Sometimes, however, he would be spurious,
and his bluff was soon
called. Again we quote Bourke, who
lived in Tucson in the early '70s: "
A wild-eyed youth, thoroughly saturated with 'sheep-herders' delight' and other choice
vintages of the country, made
his appearance in the bar of 'Congress
Hall' and announcing himself as 'Slap-Jack Billy, the Pride of the Panhandle,'
went on to inform a doubting
world that he could whip his weight
in 'b'ar-meat'. . . . " '
Fur ber-lud's mee color,
I kerries mee corfin on mee back, '
N th' hummin' o' postol-balls, bee
jingo,
Is me-e-e-u-u-sic in mee ears.' '
Thump! sounded the brawny fist of 'Shorty' Henderson, and down went Ajax, struck by
the offended lightning. When
he came to, the 'Pride of the
Panhandle' had something of a job in rubbing down the lump about as big as a
goose- egg which had suddenly
and spontaneously grown under
his left jaw; but he bore no malice and so expressed himself. " '
Podners,' he smiled, 'this 'ere's the most sociablist crowd I ever struck; let's all
hev a drink.'"
Another story Bourke tells is of ex-Marshal Duffield of Tucson who was credited with
having slain thirteen
undesirable citizens. This may have been true, for Duffield was brave enough
to wear a "plug" hat in
Tucson in the early '70s, and to a man who had nerve enough to do that,
encounters with a baker's
dozen of gunmen would be mere pistol
practice.
One day a certain "Waco Bill" arrived on a wagon train from Los Angeles, and being
three- fourths full of a
fluid Captain Bourke denotes as coffin varnish, he desired to meet and
overcome the celebrated
guardian of the peace. " '
Whar's Duffer?' he hiccoughed, as he approached the little group of which Duffield was the
central figure, 'I want Duifer
; (hie) he's my meat. Whoop!'
"
The words had hardly left his mouth before something shot out from Duffield's right
shoulder. It was that awful
fist, which could upon emergency have felled an ox, and down went our Texan
sprawling upon the ground. No
sooner had he touched Mother
Earth than, true to his Texan instincts, his hand sought his revolver, and partly drew it out of the holster. Duffield
retained his preternatural
calmness, and did not raise his voice above a whisper the whole time that his
drunken opponent was hurling
all kinds of anathemas at him;
but now he saw that something must be done. In Arizona it was not customary to pull a
pistol upon a man; that was
regarded as an act both un-christian-like
and wasteful of time, Arizonans nearly always shot out of the pocket
without drawing their weapons
at all, and into Mr. 'Waco Bill's'
groin went the sure bullet of the man who, local wits used to say, wore crape upon
his hat in memory of his
departed virtues.
The bullet struck, and Duffield bent over with a most Chesterfieldian bow and wave of the
hand: 'My name's Duffield,
sir,' he said, 'and them 'ere's mee visitin' card.'"
There were other outlaws within the Territory of very different stripe than "Waco Bill"
or the "Pride of the
Panhandle." There were years, like those preceding and during the early part
of the Civil War, when much
of Arizona was practically without
law, and therefore a refuge for all kinds of desperadoes from other localities.
Those were the times when it
was said that the California vigilance
committee and the peace officers of Texas were the most zealous immigrant agents
Arizona ever had.
Many conditions in Arizona served to encourage the vicious to deeds of crime. The border
was infested with Mexican
outlaws, and a robbery committed by them at an isolated miner's cabin, if accompanied by murder, might easily be
laid at the door of the
Indians, while innocent Mexicans in turn were accused of crimes committed
by vicious criminal whites.
Bullion was often carried across
lonely stretches of desert or mountain on stage coaches where hold-ups were all too
frequent. In 1879 the Phoenix
stage was robbed four times
within four months. In 1882 the pack train which carried mail and express across the
Pinal Mountains into Globe
was held up, the express messenger
killed and $10,000 in gold stolen. In
Bisbee in '83 five desperadoes, early
in the evening, entered the
store of Goldwater and Castenada, robbed the safe
and, in escaping, shot and
killed at least four people. In '89 a female who called herself Pearl Hart, with a man by
the name of Joe Boot, robbed
a stage in Kane Springs canyon. Although there was an abundance of
evidence against her, twelve
sentimental pioneers declined to
convict a perfect lady of stage robbery, and immediately thereafter were dismissed for
the term with caustic and
uncomplimentary remarks from
Judge Doan upon their action. A succeeding jury convicted Miss Hart on the charge of
taking the stage driver's
revolver, for which crime she was
sent to the penitentiary.
While as a whole the peace officers of the State have been capable, fearless and energetic
men, in a few conspicuous
instances they seem to have been
chosen on the theory that it takes one desperado to capture another. A celebrated case of the criminally inclined officer is found
in the story of the Earps of
Tombstone. In the early '80s, when lawlessness in southern Arizona was worse
than it had been for many
years, Virgil Earps was city marshal
of Tombstone and Wyatt Earps was deputy United States marshal, this in
spite of the fact that both
of them were professional gamblers and were suspected of either planning or
participating in at least two
stage hold-ups. Associated with
Virgil and Wyatt were Morgan and Jim Earps and Doc Holliday who, although
he hung out a dentist's sign,
had gambling for a vocation
and manslaughter for an avocation. Bitter enemies of the Earps were the
Clanton cowboys of the
Babacomari Mountains.
One night in October, 1888, Virgil had arrested Ike Clanton on the charge of disorderly
conduct, though it appeared
that the arrest was simply made
as a declaration of war upon the Clanton gang. Seeming to appreciate the great
advantage that being peace
officers gave the Earps, and so desiring to postpone hostilities until a
more auspicious occasion, the
following morning Billy and Ike
Clanton, with Frank and Tom McLowery, two other members of their gang, saddled their
horses preparatory for
leaving town. As they came out of
the 0 K Corral they were met by the four Earps and Doc Holliday, all heavily armed. The
Earps opened battle at once,
shooting and killing Billy Clanton
and Frank McLowery, while Morgan Earps and Virgil received flesh wounds. The
Earps at once gave themselves
up to friendly authorities who
promptly dismissed them.
The Clantons plotted vengeance. Soon after Virgil Earps was shot from ambush, but got
off with a wounded arm.
Morgan Earps was not so lucky,
for one night, while in a saloon, he was shot to death by a man hidden in the darkness,
his assailant firing through
a rear glass door. Without going
into details of the subsequent events, it may simply be said that Frank Stilwell, an
enemy of the Earps and a
friend of the Clantons, was killed,
supposedly by the Earps at Tucson. Later they resisted an officer at Tombstone who
had a warrant for their
arrest, took to the hills and killed a Mexican in the Dragoon Mountains;
afterwards they fled into
Colorado where for some unex- plainable reason Governor
Pitkins refused to grant requisition
papers from Arizona for their arrest. The most sanguinary feud ever known in the
State was that between the
Grahams and the Tewksburys in
Tonto Basin in '86-'87. The Basin was a cattle country, but in '86 or
earlier, sheep were driven
from the north and herded under the protection of the Tewksbury brothers. The
Grahams, who were cattlemen,
resented this action and gave
various hints to the sheep herders that a continued residence in Tonto Basin would
doubtless undermine their
health. Some of these hints, given
after dark, took the form of bullets, which would go singing through the herder's
frying pan as he fried his
bacon for supper. However, when frightened herders fled, others were put
in their
places, and soon open warfare was
proclaimed by the Grahams.
John Tewksbury and a man by the name of Jacobs were running sheep on
shares. One day both were
ambushed near the Tewksbury house
and killed; then, keeping the rest of the Tewksbury family away by a fusillade of
bullets from their hiding
place among the rocks, the assailants allowed the bodies to be devoured by hogs.
This was sowing dragon's teeth
with a vengeance, and
resulted in a bloody harvest of twenty-three of the Graham faction killed and four of the
Tewksburys. Three of the
Grahams were hanged by their enemies
on the rim of the Mogollons, most of the others were shot from ambush.
The last to be killed was Tom Graham. With most of his faction gone and knowing that
the threat of the Tewksburys
to "get him" if he stayed would
be surely carried out, Tom fled to the Salt River Valley. The writer ate breakfast
with him in the morning when,
after an all night's ride, he arrived
in Phoenix. "They sure would have got me if I'd stayed," he said, "and they may
get me yet."
What he feared came to pass; he was shot and killed from ambush as he was hauling a
load of grain from a ranch he
had bought in the valley to Tempe.
Two young women who saw the deed testified that Ed Tewksbury was one of the
murderers. John Rhodes, one
of the Tewksbury gang, and Ed Tewksbury
were arrested. At the preliminary hearing Graham's widow attempted to shoot Rhodes but failed. Rhodes was discharged,
Tewksbury was convicted, but
on a technicality a new trial
was granted, when the jury disagreed.
While these are conspicuous instances, there were many other acts of violence which
occurred about that time, the
situation becoming so serious that,
in a message to the Legislature, Governor F. A. Tritle called its attention to the thefts,
murders and general
lawlessness specially prevailing in the southern part of the Territory. The
President of the United
States was petitioned to ask Congress for an appropriation of $150,000 to be
used in the establishment of
mounted rangers to protect the State
from criminals and Indians.
Of all of the crimes committed in the Southwest, none has been given more publicity than
the hold-up and robbery of
Maj. J. W. Wham, in 1889. On May 11th of that
year, Major Wham was driving
from Fort Grant to Fort Thomas, carrying with him $26,000 in gold, to pay the Fort
Thomas soldiers. With him
were eleven colored infantrymen and a sergeant. When the party entered a gulch just beyond Cedar Springs they found
their way blocked by a large
bowlder. Several of the soldiers,
while attempting to get the rock out of the way, were surprised by a volley of
shots coming from the
hillside. Unexpected as was the attack, the soldiers sought shelter in
orderly fashion and started
to return the fire, but upon seeing
that the gallant major had turned tail and was flying down the road, and that the
enemy was shooting from stone
breastworks, they followed in their
commander's wake, leaving the gold for the highwaymen to carry away at their leisure.
Eight soldiers were wounded,
but none seriously.
An investigation was made by the military authorities, and within a short time eight
prominent ranchers of the
Upper Gila Valley were arrested, including Dave Cunningham, Dave Rogers, Tom Lamb, Ed Lyman and Wai Follett. The three Folletts were soon dismissed, but
the others were bound over
for trial. The attorneys in the case were among the most prominent in the
Territory; those for the
defense were Marcus A. Smith, Arizona's
delegate to Congress, and Ben Goodrich. The prosecuting attorney was Henry
Jeffords. While the trial
abounded in picturesque and exciting incidents, there is not room to enter into
them here. Altogether 165
witnesses were examined, but in the end the jurors
found the prisoners not guilty.
The Arizona rangers, which were organized in Arizona in 1901, at first numbered but
twelve men, with Burton C.
Mossman, a young, energetic cattleman, as captain. Dayton Graham of Cochise County was first lieutenant. Every member
of the company was a picked
man, of proven ability in handling
criminals and of unquestioned nerve and courage. An arrangement was entered into
with Colonel Kosterlitsky,
commander of the Mexican Rurales,
that the command of either might pursue criminals across the border.
From the time of their organization, the rangers proved their value to the State, not only
in capturing many desperate
criminals, but their activity in pursuing the evildoers resulted in an
exodus of many an undesirable
citizen. In 1902, T. H. Rynning,
former lieutenant of the Rough Riders, was appointed by Governor Brodie to the
captaincy of the rangers to
succeed Mossman, and like his predecessor,
he made an able and efficient commander. By 1903 the company included twenty-lix men which, during the six years of its
existence, arrested over
1,000 men charged with serious crimes
and three times that number for lesser offenses.
Although not acting in an official capacity, one of the most picturesque of Rynning's acts
happened in 1906. In the
mining town of Cananea, south of the Mexican line, were living hundreds of
Americans. In June several
thousand striking Mexican miners were terrorizing the
camp. A lumber yard had been
set on fire, five Americans and a number
of Mexicans killed. With the consent
of Governor Ysabel of Sonora,
Rynning led a force of 270 Americans
into Cananea, and although they did not find it necessary to resort to arms,
their presence greatly
reassured the American inhabitants.
In 1907 Rynning resigned to become superintendent of the Territorial Prison, and the
captaincy of the rangers went
to Harry Wheeler, who later, while
sheriff of Cochise County, became widely known through the active part he took in
the deportation of the
members of the I. W. W. and others
in the summer of 1917.
The company of rangers was discontinued in 1909 by an act of the legislature as a
result of a political quarrel
between that body and Governor Kibbey.
THE BOGUS BARON OF THE
COLORADOS
When the United States, by virtue of the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo and that confirming
the Gadsden Purchase,
acquired its great southwestern territory, it also, under the terms of
these treaties, fell heir to
many claims of private persons for large tracts of land granted them, it was
alleged, by the Spanish
crown.
In New Mexico these claims involved 6,643,938 acres of land, and in Arizona 11,326,108
acres. To consider and
adjudicate these claims, Congress, in 1891, passed a bill creating a Court of
Private Land Claims, which was
composed of five justices and was
organized at Denver, Colorado, July 1, 1891. After completing its work, it disbanded
June 30, 1904.
The principal claim for land in Arizona was brought by James Addison Reavis, who, on
January 3, 1885, filed with
the surveyor general a request
for the survey of the land claimed by him and a confirmation of the grant, which he
claimed was originally given
on December 20, 1748, by Fernando
VI, King of Spain, to one Senor Don Miguel de Peralta de la Cordoba, Baron of
the Colorados, etc.
The alleged grant was in the form of a quadrangle, approximately 236 miles from east to west and 79 miles from north to south, with its
southwest corner 39 miles
south of an initial point on the
south side of the Gila River opposite the Salt, and included Phoenix and the Salt River
Valley, the Gila Valley, many
of the richest mines of the
Territory, Clifton, Arizona, and Silver City, New Mexico.
Reavis first made his claim by virtue of a deed from a man by the name of Willing, who, it
was alleged, inherited it
through a long but legally unbreakable
chain of descent and transfer from old Don Miguel. However, when the matter
came up before the land
court, Reavis made the claim wholly
through his wife, a Spanish lady by his statement, whom he introduced to the
dignified judges by the
simple and unassuming name of Dona
Sofia Loreto Micaela de Peralta-Reavis, nee Maso y Silva de
Peralta de la Cordoba, the great grand-daughter of Don Miguel. As for
himself he had quit being
just Jim Reavis and was Don James Addison Peralta-Reavis. Even old ancestral
Don Miguel's name had
sprouted, and now with all the buds
of it nicely fruited, it was Don Miguel Nemencio Silva de Peralta de la Cordoba y
Garcia de Carrillo de la
Cordoba, grandee of Spain, Sir Knight
of the Redlands, gentleman of the king's chamber, Sir Knight of the Golden Fleece,
and a lot more.
Now, as a matter of fact, James Addison, either on his own account or that of his wife,
had no more valid a claim to
a Spanish grant than he had to
King Solomon's Mines, or the canals on the Planet Mars, but he certainly did have
imagination, and if he had
gone in for literature instead of fraud, he would have made Jules Verne or
Rider Haggard look like the
drabbest of realists. Men have
worn striped clothing and lived behind bars half their lives for attempting to steal a
little silver plate, J.
Addison very nearly got away with almost 20,000 square miles of ranches,
mines and cities.
To begin at the beginning, our friend with the big imagination made up Don Miguel out of
his own over-active brain,
and then after taking one look
at his own creation decided that so gallant a gentleman could be none less than the
king's bosom friend. Ry the
way, for some reason J. Addison
had shifted monarchs on the old Don, for now it was Philip V who was his patron
instead of Fernando VI, but that
was a mere detail. The important thing was that one afternoon his Royal Highness, just to show what a good fellow
he was, said to Don Miguel,
"Don, old man, how would you
like to be Baron of Arizona?"
"I'd like it fine," says Don
M. "Where in the wide world
is Arizona?" "
Oh, it's over on the other side of the Big Water," says the King. "It has a lovely
winter climate, and you don't
suffer with the cold even in
the summer. Besides, you can't dig any place
without striking a gold mine." "
Wonderful!" says Don M. "How much land goes with the title?" "
Help yourself," says the King. "There's lots of it there." "
Thank you kindly," says Don M. "Put me down for about twelve million acres."
Easy, wasn't it, when all one had to do was to dream it, like making money on one's own
hand- press.
It is said that Mr. De Quincey could conjure a dream like that almost any evening with
two pills of opium. We used
to know a Chinese laundry- man
who could do it with one. But what Reavis wanted to do was to be able to wake up and
find his dream still going
on; in other words, he wanted to
make people believe that he, Jim Reavis, of Henry County, Missouri, who used to be a
street car conductor and
later a newspaper solicitor was, by marriage at least, a sure enough
Spanish Don entitled to wear
a coat all spangled over with orders of nobility and
both pockets full of emoluments.
It sounds like something of a task, doesn't it, when one thinks of all the things he had
to do, first, make it appear
that Don Miguel was a real person;
second, show that the king did really grant him the barony of the Colorados or
Arizonaca (it had several
names), and last, that Mrs. Reavis
was really the heir to the old Don?
To pick up the thread of our story where the plot begins to thicken, in the '70s there
lived in Sherwood Valley in
Mendocino County, California, an
olive-complexioned, black-haired young woman whose father was an American, John A.
Treadway, and whose mother
was an Indian woman. Only a few
people seemed to know just who the parents of the girl were, as she lived with
Americans for some years.
Reavis met her while on a trip devoted to the manufactory of evidence to support the old Willing claim, and suddenly
decided that it would be much
easier to assume this girl was the
descendant of the mythical Don Miguel and marry her than to carry the line down
through Willing. No sooner
planned than done. Reavis planted
the girl's family tree at once, and had it bearing dons and grandees inside of a
week. It was more difficult,
however, to coach the girl on the
part she was to play, but Reavis was equal even to that, and for years drilled her daily
until at last she could not
only act the part of a grand lady, but seems to have half believed that in
very truth she was the Dona
Sofia, the heir to the Castles on the Gila.
In order to make Don Miguel a real person, Reavis went to Guadalajara, Mexico, where
in some mysterious manner he
was able to spend unobserved
hours alone with the old vice-regal records, and after he had finished with
his quill pen and the ink was
nicely dried, all through the old
volumes and papers there was evidence and to spare bearing on his grant, including a
decree creating the Barony of
Arizona and a book of genealogy
showing the noble descent of Mrs. Reavis.
So pleased was Don Jim with what he had been able to accomplish that he gave $1,000 for
an altar cloth for the
cathedral at Guadalajara and erected a $15,000 drinking fountain at the city of
Monterey.
Wishing to feast his eyes on his ancestral halls and hills, Reavis took his wife, the Dona
Sofia, who by this time knew
her lesson perfectly, across the blue Atlantic, and with his grand air
seems to have had no more
difficulty in obtaining access to the royal archives at Madrid than he had
in looking for what he wanted
in Mexico. Here, too, when he
had finished poring over the records, everything he wanted there was there.
By this time Don Jim had almost made himself believe that he was the real thing. He
lived nobly at a leading
Madrid hotel with a retinue of liveried servants. As the Baron of Arizona he
entertained the American
legation and with his wife was received with the honors of nobility at the Spanish
Court.
Where did Reavis obtain the money to do all this? That was easy. After
convincing some of the most
astute attorneys of America of the genuineness of his claim, it is not strange that he
was also able to scare owners
of mines and ranches within
the limits of his "barony" into paying him good prices for quitclaim deeds, and to
sell interests in his broad
acres to capitalists for real money.
For a short time he lived at Arizola, on the Southern Pacific Railroad, a short
distance east of Casa Grande,
where his wife received her guests in robes of velvet and his twin boys,
Carlos and Miguel, covered
their noble heads in caps of royal purple with monogramed coronets emblazoned
upon them. It is said that
from 1887 to 1893 Reavis'
living expenses for himself and his family could not have been less than $60,000 a
year. He divided most of his
time between expensive hotels in
New York and Europe, a country house on Staten Island and a mansion in California.
His familiars included
millionaires and high government officials.
In spite of all this, before the formation of the land court, when Reavis sang his siren
song before Congressional
committees and to the surveyor general
at Washington he was confronted with the unenthusiastic ears of agnosticism. His
story might be true, but the
gentlemen wanted to be shown.
As time went on the gullible goldfish grew more chary of his bait; in brief, his
story grew stale, and ugly
rumors were repeated about the validity
of the grant.
Nevertheless, with magnificent audacity, Reavis brought his claim before the land court,
and his former counsels
having deserted him, among whom
it is said was Robert G. Ingersoll, with the assistance of an obscure attorney he tried
his own case, producing what
at first seemed an overwhelming weight of testimony in his favor. There were cedillas, decrees and writs in
Spanish and English; there
were royal seals, royal signatures and rubrics; there were not only
genealogies but portraits of
noble ancestors.
But it was all of no avail. Ever since the claim had been filed, experts in the employ of
the government had been
investigating the case and the work
they did was worthy of a Sherlock Holmes or an Auguste Dupin. From the records at
Madrid it was learned that
the will of the second Baron of
Arizona, passing down the barony, was undoubtedly a forgery; and at Guadalajara a careful scrutiny of the records showed that a
cedula, advising the city
that the king had appointed a new viceroy, had been, by marvelous forgery
and substitution of words,
transformed into a decree creating
the barony of Arizona. In a book of genealogies, thirty-five leaves of solidly
forged matter, showing the
noble descent of Mrs. Reavis, had
been interpolated. Even Mrs. Reavis' plebeian blood was revealed. As witness after
witness gave his evidence,
slowly the edifice of fraud so ingeniously built up by Reavis crumbled about him.
Not only was his case decided against
him, but at its close he was
immediately arrested for fraud, convicted in the
district court, and on July 18,1896, went to the penitentiary of New Mexico,
where he remained until
April, 1898.
Upon the unfortunate wife the blow fell the hardest. From being an honored guest at
the Court of Spain, a
baroness in her own right, she became
a menial in the houses of Santa Fe, glad to obtain even the humblest work to
sustain herself and her two
boys.
Wm. M. Tipton, one of the government investigators, said of the claim: "No plan was ever more ingeniously devised, none ever carried out
with greater patience,
industry, skill and effrontery." It was all the work of one man, James
Addison Reavis, the ex-street
car conductor, the ex-solicitor for newspapers, and it was, perhaps, the
most gigantic fraud ever
attempted against the government.
THE APACHE KID
Said to have been the fiercest Apache
next to Geronimo, as well as a
notorious outlaw of the late 19th century, was the Apache Kid.
Born in the 1860’s on the San Carlos
Reservation in Arizona, the “Kid”
was most likely of the White Mountain Apache. Named
Haskay-bay-nay-natyl, "the tall man destined to come to a mysterious
end," the pronunciation was too much for the citizens of Globe, who
simply called him "Kid." Learning English at an early age, he
worked
at odd jobs in Globe and was soon befriended by the famous scout, Al
Sieber.
At that time, early settlers of the
Southwest faced numerous raiding
bands of Apaches and General George Crook had come up with the idea to
use Apaches to fight other Apaches. Enlisting Apache Indians from
San
Carlos and other reservations, the enlisted scouts could locate the
trails that the hunted Apaches traveled.
In 1881, the Kid enlisted in the
Indian Scouts and was so good at the
job that he was promoted to sergeant in July, 1882. The following
year
he accompanied General George Crook on the expedition of the Sierra
Madre.
The Geronimo Campaign of 1885-1886
found the Kid in Mexico early in
1885 with Sieber, and when the Chief of Scouts was recalled in the
fall, Kid rode with him back to San Carlos. He re-enlisted with
Lieutenant Crawford's call for one hundred scouts for Mexican duty, and
again went south in late 1885. In the Mexican town of Huasabas, on the
Bavispe River, the Kid nearly lost his life in a drunken riot in which
he had been a participant. Rather than see the Apache Kid shot by a
Mexican firing squad, the judge fined him twenty dollars, and the Army
sent him back to San Carlos.
In May, 1887 the Apache Kid was left
in charge of the Indian Scouts and
guardhouse at San Carlos when Captain Pierce and Al Sieber, an anglo
scout, were both gone on business. Though the brewing of tiswin, a
beverage made of fermented fruit or corn was illegal on the
reservation, with the white officers gone, the Indian Scouts decided to
have a party. With the liquor flowing freely, a man named
Gon-Zizzie
killed the Apache Kid’s father, Togo-de-Chuz. Kid’s friends, in
turn,
killed Gon-Zizzie. However, the killing of Gon-Zizzie was not
enough
for the Apache Kid, who then went to the home of Gon-Zizzie’s brother,
Rip, and killed him.
When the Apache Kid and the four
other scouts returned to San Carlos on
June 1, 1857, both Captain Pierce and Al Sieber were there ahead of
him. Captain Pierce ordered the scouts to disarm themselves and
the
Kid was the first to comply. As Pierce ordered them to the guardhouse
to be locked up, a shot was fired from the crowd who had gathered to
watch the display of events. In no time, the shots became
widespread
and Al Seiber was hit in the ankle, which ended up crippling him for
life. During the melee that followed, the Apache Kid and several
other
Apaches fled. Though it was never determined who fired that shot that
struck Sieber, it was for sure not the Kid nor the other four scouts
ordered to the guardhouse as they had all been disarmed.
The Army, reacting swiftly, soon sent
two troops of the Fourth Cavalry
to find the Apache Kid and the others who had escaped. For two
weeks
the cavalry followed the fugitives along the banks of the San Carlos
River, when finally, with the aid of more Indian Scouts, located the
Kid and his band in the Rincon Mountains.
The soldiers seized upon the Apaches'
horses and equipment while the
Indians fled by foot into the rocky canyons. In negotiations with
the
soldiers, Kid relayed a message to General Miles stating that if the
Army would recall the cavalry he and his band would
surrender. When
Miles complied, the Apache Kid and seven members of his band
surrendered on June 25th.
The Kid and four others were tried
court-martialed where they were
found guilty of mutiny and desertion and sentenced to death by firing
squad. However, General Miles was upset over the verdict and
ordered
the court to reconsider the sentence. When the court reconvened
on
August 3, they were re-sentenced to life in prison. However Miles was
still not satisfied and reduced the sentence to ten years. Beginning
their sentence in the San Carlos guardhouse, they were later sent to
Alcatraz.
However, their conviction was soon
overturned on October 13, 1888, due
to prejudice among the officers of the court-martial trial and the
Indians were returned to San Carlos as free men. Causing an outrage
among the citizens of the area, a new warrant was issued in October,
1889 in Gila County for the re-arrest of the freed Apaches for assault
to commit murder in the wounding of Al Sieber.
At the trial on October 25, 1889,
four Apaches including the Apache Kid
were found guilty and sentenced to seven years in the Territorial
Prison at Yuma. While being transported to the prison the Apache
Kid,
along with several others escaped. During the fighting that took place
during the escape, the three guards, Glenn Reynolds, Eugene
Middleton
and W. A. Holmes, were overpowered. Glen Reynolds was killed,
Middleton was wounded and Holmes apparently died of a heart
attack.
Middleton later recovered, saying the Kid had prevented another of the
Apaches from "finishing" him by bashing his head with a rock.
The Kid and the others fled, their
tracks obliterated by a snowstorm.
It would be the last "official" sighting of Apache Kid, though
unconfirmed reports of his whereabouts would continue to filter in for
years.
Over the next few years the Apache
Kid was accused of various crimes
and said to have led a small band of renegade Apache followers, raiding
ranches and freight lines throughout New Mexico , Arizona and Northern
Mexico as he hid out in the Mexican Sierra Madre Mountains. Others
insist that he became a lone wolf who was despised by his own people
and was terribly feared by the Anglo settlers. Some accounts have the
Apache Kid kidnapping an Apache woman until he tired of her, then
killing her, before kidnapping yet another. Reportedly, the Kid
preyed
on lone ranchers, cowboys, and prospectors, killing them for their
food, guns, and horses. Before long, a price of $5,000 was placed on
his head by the Arizona Territorial Legislature, dead or alive, but no
one ever claimed the reward.
It is impossible to determine how
many of the crimes he is blamed for that he actually committed.
During an 1890 shootout between
Sonoran Rurales (a branch of the army)
and Apaches, a slain warrior was found to have Reynolds' pistol and
watch, but he was too old to have been the Kid. After 1894,
reports of
his crimes came to an end. Some sources claimed he died at this time
while others argue that he crossed into Mexico and retired to his
mountain hideout.
In 1899, Colonel Emilio Kosterlitzky,
head of the Rurales, reported him
alive and living with other Apaches in the Sierra Madre. In the
interim, there were several unconfirmed reports of his death - by
gunshot or by tuberculosis. However, southern Arizona ranchers
continued to report Apache stock raids into the 1920s.
There are so many different
variations of the crimes committed by the
Apache Kid, all with the purpose of exacting revenge for the
treacherous way in which the Apache scouts had been treated by the
army, that even historians cannot agree on exactly what he was
responsible for, nor when he died. Seemingly, his namesake "the tall
man destined to come to a mysterious end" was a prophecy.
Though the questions are many
regarding the death of the Apache Kid, a
gravesite memorial can be found high in the San Mateo Mountains of the
Cibola National Forest in New Mexico. Here is yet another place
that
the Apache Kid was said to have been killed, after having been hunted
down by local ranchers angered by his relentless raids.
Reportedly, to
mark the site of the site of the Kid's undoing, the vengeful posse
blazed a tree, the hacked remains of which you can see to this day. The
grave is one mile northwest of Apache Kid Peak at Cyclone Saddle.
(Legends of America)