oatman-tragedy

Arizona History

The Oatman Tragedy.—Early Means Of Transportation.—Establishment Of Military Stations.—Scientific Explorers.—Crabb Massacre.

Both exploring and emigrant parties occasionally had trouble with the Apache Indians, who could not resist the temptation to steal animals or to attack weak parties and kill them if out of all danger of detection and punishment. Their chief animosity seemed to be against Mexicans, and they often professed friendship for Americans and even aided them on their way, but expected to be well compensated. Large, well armed parties, who exercised due diligence in traveling through the Apache land, were not interfered with, but companies that were confident and careless or small, learned there were hostile Indians in the country. After 1854 the depredations of these hostiles seemed to increase. The most noted, or at least best recorded, of these Apache outrages before that date, was the massacre in 1851 of the Oatman family, which occurred upon the Gila River route, some one hundred miles east of Yuma, upon a steep hill on the western side of a small valley, since known as "Oatman Flat," and where the bodies of the murdered family are buried. As far as is possible this work will endeavor to present a succinct history of the sad affair.

Roys Oatman and his wife, together with seven children, left Independence, Missouri, in August, 1850, with a party of some fifty other emigrants bound for California, "The Land of Gold." When their band arrived at Tucson a large portion of them concluded to stop for a time, at least, until their jaded animals could be recruited. The remainder of the band went on to Pima Villages, where all except the Oatmans concluded to halt for a time with the hospitable and friendly Pima Indians. Unfortunately for themselves, the Oatmans at once pushed forward, it being now February, 1851.

On February 15th the Oatman team was passed by John Le Count, by whom Mr. Oatman sent a letter to the commanding officer of Fort Yuma, who at that time was Major Heintzelman, asking aid. Three days later, February i8th, while under way, they were visited by a party of Indians who appeared to be friendly and helped push the wagon up the steep hill before mentioned. The Indians were given tobacco and some trinkets and seemed satisfied, but without warning they commenced their murderous attack upon the family, killing father, mother and four children, leaving the son, a boy of fourteen years, named Lorenzo, stunned, presumed by them to be dead. They threw his body over a bluff, at least twenty feet, and carried off as captives the two daughters, Olive, aged sixteen and Mary Ann, aged ten years. This outrage was attributed to the Ton to Apaches, though it has never been ascertained who the miscreants really were; these murders have never been avenged. Lorenzo Oatman, the boy, recovered from his stupor and after great suffering, at last succeeded in getting back to the Pima Villages, and went on with the other families to Fort Yuma and finally to San Francisco.

The post-commander at Yuma on receipt of the letter sent by Mr. Oatman, despatched two men with supplies, but on learning of the massacre did not feel at liberty to pursue the savages, as the depredation had been committed upon Mexican territory, and Mexican authorities might protest against any armed party of another nation coming within their jurisdiction. By whatever Indians the outrage was committed, the captives were found in the hands of the Mojaves, who claimed to have purchased them from a band of Tontos. The younger, Mary Ann, after a few years of most degrading slavery, died in captivity. The elder, Olive, was kept as a slave and captive until 1857, when she was ransomed through the strenuous exertions of Mr. Grinnell and brought to Fort Yuma, where she joined her brother, Alonzo, and the two soon went to New York. Being considered a war captive and under the jurisdiction of a man whose word was law and whose power might mean death, her sufferings were intense, yet strange to say the most vindictive treatment she received was from her own sex, and more than once during her captivity she would have been sacrificed to the envious rage of the squaws had not her more humane master interfered. Once in particular the squaws had firmly bound her to a tree and surrounded her with pine fagots piled high and about to ignite this combustible material, when her master discovered the situation and with a howl of execration and a slash of his keen knife released her from her perilous position. After that episode the chief never trusted her to the ferocious "kindness" of the squaws, but kept her near him.*'

The crossing of the Colorado River by all emigrants who entered California by the southern route at Yuma, made that point for the time being one of the most important business points in the country, as it has been estimated that for the year 1851 some 60,000 people crossed into California, probably an exaggeration, still it was a very important point, and the numbers crowding into the new El Dorado were very large and continued its importance for several years.

The Yuma Indians were not hostile though they required constant watching to keep them from stealing all animals that should inadvertently be left within their reach, and the different tribes along the Colorado and Gila Rivers were constantly at war; plundering each other and making prisoners of each other's women. The Yuma Indians frequently rendered valuable aid to bodies of emigrants in crossing the river, and required a fair remuneration, but were not extravagant in charges. They established a ferry of their own across the Colorado (a little below where the railroad bridge now is), and had in charge of the boat a white man, said by some to be a deserter from the United States army; this could hardly have been the case with the military post of Yuma so close, be that as it may, there was an opposition ferry established by one John Glanton, sometimes known as "Doctor," who originally came from Tennessee at the head of some thirty of as precious and as select a gang of desperadoes as the world ever saw together outside a pirate ship. After committing many highhanded extortions and many murders and robberies, which they laid upon the Indians, one night they made a descent upon the Indian ferry killing the white man in charge and two Indians, and destroying the ferry boat. After this outrage upon the Indians not an Indian was to be seen, until one morning just at break of day they gathered in upon the Glanton party in battle array and exterminated the whole party with the exception of one boy whom the avengers did not wish to kill, or who may have shown them some kindness, for which he was allowed to escape. The acts of brutality committed by this Glanton band are almost too outrageous for belief, but were passed over with little comment in the whirl of events, until they had aroused the hatred of the Yuma Indians, who executed upon them savage justice. Glanton, some years before had been released from the Tennessee penitentiary through the intercession of some influential friends who had known him in younger years, when he gave promise of becoming a useful man; but he had chosen the evil side; had been a member of the "John A. Murrill" band of outlaws, who infested the lower Mississippi Valley along in the '30's and early '40's of the nineteenth century, and for which he was sent to the penitentiary, but was past reformation as he did not wish to reform.

In November, 1849, there arrived at Yuma, the mouth of the Gila River, a flatboat which had made the voyage down the Gila River from the Pima Villages with a Mr. Howard and family and two men, a doctor and a clergyman on board. During this trip down the river, a son was born to Mrs. Howard, undoubtedly the first child of American parents born within the limits of Arizona, i. e., as we understand the term "American," as all born upon the western continent are "Americans," and the Indian above all, as far as any evidence we have to the contrary may go. He is indigenous to this continent, he sprang from the soil. This child was named "Gila," after the river upon which it was born and a few years ago was living in Lake County, California. *

A little later in the year another company composed of L. J. F. Jaeger and Hartshorne, established a ferry at Yuma across the Colorado River, hauling lumber from San Diego, across the desert, suitable for the construction of a good sized, strong, ferry boat and continued the business with profit for over a year, at least Jaeger did.

On November 27, 1850, Major Heintzelman of the United States army arrived from San Diego, California, at the junction of the Gila and Colorado Rivers for the purpose of establishing a garrison of strength to protect the great stream of emigration then rolling into California by this avenue, as all the southern emigration was crossing the Colorado River at this point. This post was first called "Camp Independence," but in March, 1851, was transferred to the site of the old Spanish mission upon the rising ground on the California side of the Colorado River and soon was named "Fort Yuma." There was considerable trouble about getting supplies, but the Indians were not hostile, and in June the fort was left in charge of Lieutenant L. W. Sweeney with ten men. It might have been that the Yuma Indians seeing the weakness of the garrison were emboldened to commit depredations, at least they soon became troublesome; killed some emigrants and even attacked the post; scurvy made its appearance among the troops and the supplies were exhausted. A Captain Davidson took command in November; in December, post and ferry were abandoned..

Fort Yuma seems to have been unoccupied from December, 1851, to February, 1852, when Major Heintzelman returned to rebuild the fort and permanently re-establish the garrison. Indian hostilities, mostly on the California side of the Colorado, continued until late in that year when a treaty was made, still the Cocopas and Yumas would occasionally, among themselves, have a war dance. Fort Yuma was upon the western bank of the Colorado River, on the Arizona side of the same stream, there was no permanent settlement until 1854. Temporary structures were erected at different times, but either were washed away by high water of the river or taken away for other more profitable purposes, at least those that were deemed so to be. In 1854 a store building was erected and a townsite called "Colorado City," was laid out in Arizona, upon the eastern bank of the Colorado River, just below where the Gila and Colorado unite, but in 1861 there was but a building or two and these were washed away by the floods of water coming down the Colorado in the winter of 1861-62, so the growth of a town later called "Arizona City," and finally "Yuma" seems really not to have been commenced in earnest until about 1864.

When Major Heintzelman was ordered to establish a military post at Yuma, an exploration of the Colorado River was ordered to determine the practicability of the river being utilized for transportation of supplies. Lieutenant George H. Derby, later famous as a humorous writer, known by the signature of "John Phoenix," was in charge of the party and sailed from San Francisco, November i, 1850, on the schooner Invincible, Captain A. H. Wilcox. The month of January, 1851, was spent in the Colorado River, up which the schooner, drawing eight or nine feet of water, could ascend only some twenty-five miles to north latitude 30° 51', but in his boat Derby went sixty miles further up the river, meeting the commanding officer, Major Heintzelman, and a party from Yuma.

In the spring of 1851 George A. Johnson arrived at the mouth of the Colorado River on the steamer Sierra Nevada, with supplies for the garrison at Yuma, and lumber for the building of flatboats to be used for the purpose of bringing supplies, etc., up the Colorado River from the ocean-going streams which could come up the Gulf of California to the river's mouth, but could not get up the river on account of their requiring deeper water to float in than prevailed in the Colorado, except in time of floods, which were too infrequent and irregular to be depended upon.

In 1852 Captain Turnbull brought the first steamer, called the Uncle Sam, on a schooner to the head of the Gulf of California, where it was put together for the river trip. The Uncle Sam reached Fort Yuma early in December, but drew too much water to get up her cargo in the then stage of water, so took out her loading and left it on the bank some distance below Yuma, and it was gotten up in flatboats some days later. After running upon the river for some eighteen months the Uncle Sam grounded and sank and the General Jessup, Captain Johnson, was put upon the river, but exploded the following August. The Colorado, a stern- wheeler, 120 feet long, was put on the river late in 1855, and from that time on steam navigation of the River Colorado up to Fort Yuma at all times, and higher, if the stage of water in the river admitted it, seems to have been continuous. Besides the boundary surveys there have been several official surveys other than those of prospectors, trappers and Indian fighters, so the country was pretty well explored as to its general topography during the decade from 1850 to 1860.

In 1857 Edward F. Beale opened a wagon-road nearly upon the 35th parallel, following in the main the route of Whipple and Sitgreaves; leaving the Zuni Villages in August and reaching the Colorado River in January, 1858. The steamer General Jessup was waiting in the Mojave region to transport this party across the river, but Beale with twenty men returned on the route explored, thus demonstrating the practicability of the route for winter travel. There was another important exploration made about this time by Lieutenant Joseph C. Ives. Lieutenant Ives arrived at the head of the Gulf of California in November, 1857, on a schooner from San Francisco, which brought an iron stern-wheel steamer, built in Philadelphia, for the trip. Lieutenant Ives and party left Fort Yuma January n, 1858, and had passed up the Colorado on March 12, through the Black Canon, and reached the mouth of Virgin River. From this point Lieutenant Ives returned to the Mojave villages, where he quit the steamer, ordering it to proceed down the river to Fort Yuma, while he, with a portion of his scientific corps, being joined by Lieutenant Tipton with twenty enlisted men as escort, started eastward by land. His route soon deflected to the north of that followed by former explorers, and included an exploration of the canon of the Colorado Chiquito and other streams, and for the first time since the occupation of any portion of Arizona by the United States the villages of the Moqui Indians were visited. Lieutenant Ives arrived at Fort Defiance in May, and his report, amply illustrated by engravings of scenery, is the most fascinating of all the Government reports of various explorations.

Besides the Beale wagon-road through and across the central portion of Arizona from east to west, another, generally known as the Leach route, was made through the southern portion by James B. Leach, superintendent, and W. H. Hutton, engineer. This wagon route corresponded much of the way from the Rio Grande west to Cook's route of 1846, but struck the San Pedro some nine miles below what is known as Tres Alamos, thence down the San Pedro to the mouth of Aravaipa Canon, where it crosses the river, striking west through a canon of heavy sand for some miles, coming out upon a high table and continuing on west some forty miles to the Gila River, some twenty miles, about east from Pima Villages, thus saving, as was then calculated, some forty miles over the route via Tucson. At that time Tucson was considered a point of small importance. Over much of this route through Arizona ran the Butterfield stage line from Marshall, Texas, through to Los Angeles and San Francisco, but via Tucson, carrying the United States mails and passengers twice a week each way, until broken up by Apache Indian hostilities, and the action of the Confederates in Texas taking possession of their live and rolling stock in 1861. So the mail route was changed to the more northern one, about where the Central and California Pacific Railroads now run.

The United States took formal military possession of the Gadsden Purchase in 1856 by sending four companies of the First Dragoons, who were first stationed at Tucson, afterwards at Calabazas. A permanent station or post was selected in 1857 upon the Sonoita, a stream coming into the Santa Cruz River from the east, some fifteen miles above Tubac, and named Buchanan after the President of the United States at that time. The site was deemed to have no special advantages of location, with the exception that it was in the center of a fine grazing region; and the troops were, it was found, subject to malarial fevers (calenturas), especially during the rainy season in summer; so no buildings worthy of the name of fort were erected. Late in 1858, near Beal's crossing of the Colorado, Fort Mojave was established and garrisoned by three companies of infantry, and in 1-859 F°rt Breckenridge, just below the junction of the Aravaipa and San Pedro, was established and garrisoned by taking a part of the garrison from Fort Buchanan. The establishing of these military stations did much good for the country, and the soldiers under their exceptionally able and energetic officers had many fights with the Apache Indians, but the force allowed was altogether too small to protect such an extensive territory against an untiring and stealthy foe. On the outbreak of the Civil War in 1861, these posts were abandoned and troops withdrawn to other fields, where more effective service could be rendered, and Arizona was left to her own resources. The Apaches interpreted this withdrawal of the troops as being done out of fear of them, and became more active than ever in hostilities and very nearly succeeded in driving out every vestige of civilization from Arizona, as well as from a large part of Sonora and Chihuahua.

That portion of Arizona embraced in the Gadsden Purchase was claimed to be rich in the precious metals. Hardy and enterprising Americans had long been more or less conversant with Mexican traditions of immensely rich mines, discovered and worked by the Jesuit priests, and abandoned in consequence of Apache raids—traditions that were as baseless as antique fables, in their details, and as far as priests were concerned as miners, but truthful to the extent that prospectors had actually found many rich deposits of silver and some gold, Copper, lead and iron were hardly noticed those days, though some of the richest discoveries since found upon more thorough and systematic investigation, have been found beneath those neglected iron cap- pings. The elaborate reports of various Government explorers, who had noted indications of mineral wealth in all directions, corroborated the traditions current among the then inhabitants; as every town and ranch had somewhere in the vicinity its "lost mine." These mysterious traditions made Arizona a most attractive country for the bold and adventurous, and all the more so because of the recent successes of the gold-seekers in the neighboring State of California, where the life's hope was gathered up in a single day.

In 1854, Col. Charles D. Poston, a private citizen, landed at Wanachisto, on the Gulf of California in the Mexican State of Sonora, and explored the country as far as western Sonoita and thence through the Papagoria, to the big bend of the Gila River and down that river to its junction with the Colorado at Fort Yuma, and thence to San Diego.

Among the scientific explorers who, with Poston, commenced mining at this early day of American occupation of the territory, was Herman Ehrenburg, a civil engineer and scientist of more than ordinary learning and ability. He remained in the Territory while Poston visited the East and Washington City and returned through Texas in the spring of 1856, with a colony of Germans and Americans, who settled at the old presidio of Tubac on the Santa Cruz River and engaged in working the silver mines in the Santa Rita Mountains, Aravaca, the Cerro Colorado and elsewhere in the southern portion of the Territory. Ehrenburg, as before stated, was a native of Germany and came to the United States at an early age, made his way to New Orleans, at which place he was when the war broke out. between Mexico and the American settlers of Texas, and he at once with several others joined those who were struggling for independence for Texas. He enlisted in the "New Orleans Grays," and was in the battles of Goliad and Fanning's Defeat, and was one of the few who survived the barbarous and inhuman massacre of prisoners, who surrendered on the pledged word of the Mexican authorities that not a man who surrendered his arms should be hurt. At the triumph of the Texan struggle he returned to Germany and wrote an account in his native language of that interesting period, giving much information of Texas, which induced a large emigration of his countrymen to that great and fertile State. Soon after the publication, in Germany, of his book on Texas he returned to the United States and in 1840, at St. Louis, joined a party crossing the American continent for Oregon. From there he proceeded to the Sandwich Islands, and after wandering for some years through and among the islands of the Polynesian Archipelago, returned to California in time to join Colonel Fremont in the effort to free California from Mexican rule. He remained in California until the Gadsden Purchase was made from Mexico, awakened his roving, restless nature once more and he came to Arizona, where, after years of useful service, he became a victim of the treachery of the Apache Indian at Palm Springs, in Southern California, where his mortal remains are buried. The little town of Ehrenburg perpetuates his memory.

The mining company, organized through the efforts of Colonel Poston, expended nearly a million of dollars in development of the mines that had been discovered through the activity and energy of Poston and his able engineer, and were in a successful condition of development when, in 1861, the exigencies of the Civil War, then breaking out, caused the withdrawal of the Government troops and temporary abandonment of the Territory by armed forces.

Raphael Pumpelly was another savant whose reports in relation to Arizona and her resources were of a valuable character. In the autumn of 1854 a company was started from San Francisco, California, under Superintendent Edward E. Dunbar, to work the Ajo copper mines in the Papagoria, about forty miles from the Sonora line and some forty-five miles south from Gila bend. Through scarcity of water and fuel and the great cost of transporting supplies, the venture was not a success, and many of the Ajo people remained permanently in the Territory. The organizer of the company, Edward E. Dunbar, died at Pernambuco in 1868, and was buried upon an island near the Coast of South America.

I now proceed to give the history of a matter not strictly appertaining to the early history of Arizona, still much interest was evinced at the time, as it seemed to demonstrate the hatred with which Mexicans regarded Americans, and which exhibited itself in cruelty and murder whenever and wherever they had the power. Probably the real reason which instigated that base and cowardly act was the innate hatred of the white race. In 1856 Signor Gandara was legally elected governor of the Mexican State of Sonora, if any election can be legal where no opposition is allowed to the people to express their opinion in the matter. Ygnacio Pesquirie "pronounced" against him and raised an "army" to vindicate his rights of plundering characteristics.

Henry A. Crabb, an American, of California, a man of education and refinement, but of adventurous disposition, had married a member of the influential and respected family of Ainsa of Hermosillo, Sonora, and while on a visit to the relatives of his wife, he first met Pesquirie, who was then engaged in his struggle with Gandara for the governorship o'f Sonora. Pesquirie proposed to Crabb that he bring down one thousand armed Americans to assist him in wresting the governorship of Sonora from Gandara. Crabb's reward for himself and followers was to be a broad strip of country across the northern portion of the State of Sonora ; and to satisfy the scruples of the Mexican federal government, as well as his own people, ever jealous of American colonists, they were informed that the strip was given in consideration of their protecting the State from depredations of the Apache Indians, then very troublesome. Crabb raised at once a portion of the one thousand men in California, and marched with about one hundred, as soon as they could be equipped and provisioned. The rest were to follow in detachments as they could be fitted out. They entered Sonora from the north and came in across the Colorado Desert from Los Angeles via Warner's Ranch, Carizo Creek, Indian Wells, and crossing the Colorado River at Fort Yuma, and halted for a time at a camp on Gila River, long known as "Filibuster" Camp, to recruit the animals before crossing Papagoria and its desolate plains into the State of Sonora.

In the meantime Pesquirie had succeeded in expelling Gandara from the State, the defeated governor taking refuge in Tucson, thus securing the governmental machinery; Pesquirie now could dispense with the services of Crabb and followers. In fact the idea of bringing in foreigners of a hated race had a tendency to render him unpopular. A condition of things was at once seized upon by the opposite party to break down the revolutionary government set up by Pesquirie, who denied in a grandiloquent style all complicity or knowledge of Crabb's movements. The people, who were aroused against him as a filibuster and robber, had him besieged by an overwhelming force in the little town of Caborca, and as Crabb's ammunition gave out, and the roof of the building in which he was entrenched was on fire and many of his men killed and wounded, the surrender was secured upon the official promise that if they surrendered their arms they should not be hurt, but be given safe conduct to the American boundary in Arizona.

Pesquirie left for Oures, but sent back an order to the commandant to have all who defied the agreement shot. The commander, more humane than his cowardly, bloody- minded chief, refused to carry out the cruel order, but resigned the command to Gabalondi, the next in rank, who had the prisoners taken out in detachments of ten and shot, excepting one boy, about fourteen years of age, who remained for some years in Pesquirie's family and apparently became a great favorite with the General. Thus were one hundred and four brave men put to death, that the double dealing of one be kept from the light. It has been said that Pesquirie sent Crabb's head to the City of Mexico as evidence of the sincerity of his hatred of the white race. The execrations of unborn millions will follow the Pesquirie name for centuries yet to come.

The friends of this Sylla in miniature may attempt to gloss over his acts, but the fact must ever remain that he lived by assassination and robbery and had crimes committed of such enormity as to designate him the "scourge of Son- ora." Years after matters had settled down to a peace basis, those persons who had opposed his usurpations were, most of them, singled out and murdered in cold blood by his hired bravos, in witness of which is pointed out the coldblooded assassination of Signor Martin Ainsa in Hermo- sillo in his own store, attending to his business affairs; true, the murdered man was a brother of Crabb's wife.

The perpetrator of this dastardly act, though well known, was not apprehended, as the word of Pesquirie was above all law for years in Sonora. The nine hundred of Crabb's followers, who were to come forward in detachments after him, learning of the bloody reception he and party met with, gave up the expedition as too hazardous. Our federal government, during the senile administration of James Buchanan never inquired into the matter. Charles W. Tozer, now a member of this society, learning of Crabb's situation, organized and equipped a party of twenty-seven to proceed in all haste to Caborca for Crabb's relief, but they were too late, and had to fight their way back to boundary line against great odds. Tozer is living at this writing in San Francisco, California, at 1431 Webster Street.

Here are introduced some documents that will elucidate this subject more fully than any arguments drawn from the appearance of the acts of bloodthirstiness perpetrated by these fiends in wantonness of power, and must forever fasten these wholesale murders upon Ygnacio Pesquirie. (Translated from the Spanish by George D. Tyng, Editor of Yuma "Sentinel.")

Crabb, when he and party arrived at the Mexican frontier, sent the following letter ahead, which was published in "La Voz de Sonora," Ures, March 30, 1857, Supplement to No. 61:

"sonoite, March 26, 1857.

"To Mr. Jose Maria Redondo, Prefect of the Department of Altar, Sonora:

"In conformity with the colonization laws of Mexico and upon positive invitation of some of the most influential citizens of Sonora, I have come within the lines of your State accompanied by one hundred companions and in advance of nine hundred others, 'with the expectation of finding happy homes with and among you. I have come without intention of injuring any one, without intrigue, public or private. Since my arrival at this place, I have given no indication of sinister purposes, but on the contrary have made only friendly propositions.

"It is true that I am provided with arms and ammunition, but you well know that it is uncommon among Americans or any other citizens to travel without arms; besides that remember that we have been obliged to pass through a country continually harassed by Apache depredations; and from circumstances I imagine to my surprise that you are taking hostile measures against us and are collecting a force for exterminating myself and my companions. I am well aware that you have given orders for poisoning the wells and that you are prepared to resort to the vilest and most cowardly measures against us.

"But have a care, sir; for whatever we may be caused to suffer shall return upon the heads of you and those who assist you. I had never considered it possible that you would have denied yourself by resorting to such barbarous practices. I also know that you have endeavored to rouse against us our very good friends, the tribe of Papago Indians ; but it is most probable that in the position I hold, your efforts will fail. I have come to your country because I have a right to follow the maxims of civilization. I have come, as I have amply proved, with the expectation of being received with open arms; but now I believe that I am to find my death among an enemy destitute of humanity. But as against my companions now here, and those who are to arrive, I protest against any wrong step. Finally you must reflect; bear this in mind: if blood is shed, on your head be it and not on mine. Nevertheless, you can assure yourself and continue your hostile preparations; for, as for me, I shall at once proceed to where I have intended to go for some time and am ready to start. I am the leader, and my purpose is to act in accordance with the natural law of self- preservation.

"Until we meet at Altar, I remain,
"Your obt. servt.,

"henry A. Crabb."

"This communication is given to the warden of Sonoite, to be forwarded to the Prefect of Altar without fail or delay.

"H.A.C."

"A true copy of the original translation.

"Altar, March 28, 1857.

"JosE M. Redondo."

"Ures, 1857, Government Printing Office, in charge of Jesus P. Siqueires."

The treacherous and bloody-minded military despot and self-styled governor of Sonora, Pesquirie, at this time issued the following "manifesto" to his deluded people, viz.:

"PROCLAMATION.

"I, Ignacio Pesquirie, Substitute-Governor of the State and Commander-irt-Chief of the forces of the frontier:

"To His Fellow Citizens : To Arms All!!

"Now has sounded the hour I recently announced, in which you must prepare for the bloody struggle you are about to enter into. You have just heard in this most arrogant letter a most explicit declaration of war, pronounced against us by the chief of the invaders; what reply does it merit? That we march to meet him. Let us fly, then, to chastise, with all the fury that can scarcely be contained in a heart swelling with resentment against coercion, the savage filibuster, who has dared, in an unhappy hour to tread our nation's soil and to arouse, insensate, our wrath!

"Nothing of mercy; nothing of generous treatment for this canaille! Let it die like a wild beast, which, trampling upon the rights of man and scorning every law and institution of society, dares invoke the law of nature as its only guide and to call upon brute force as its chosen ally. Sonor- anians, let our reconciliation be made sincere by a common hatred for this cursed horde of pirates without country, without religion, without honor. Let the only mark to distinguish us and to protect our foreheads, not only against hostile bullets, but also against humiliation and insult, be the tri-colored ribbon, sublime creation of the genius of Iguala. Upon it let there be written the grand words, Liberty or Death, and henceforth shall it bear for us one more significance, the powerful, invincible union of the two parties, which have lately divided our State in civil war. We shall soon return all loaded with glory, after having forever secured the prosperity of Sonora and established in defiance of tyranny this principle: The people that wants to be free will be so. Meanwhile, citizens, relieve your hearts by giving free course to the enthusiasm which now burdens them.

"Live Mexico; death to the filibusters!

"Ures, March 30, 1857.

"ignacio Pesquirie."

"Ures, 1857, Government Printing Office, in charge of Jesus P. Siqueires."

This last document settles the matter forever upon Pes- quirie and proves beyond all cavil that he incited those murders of the Crabb party at Caborca in Sonora. True, his inflammatory utterances did not fall upon dull or unwilling ears. No apology or labored explanation will be considered after his explicit and brutal proclamation over his official signature and published in his official organ, and the only paper at that time published in the State.

No other attempts were made to "colonize" Sonora until 1860, when a puny affair caused some little excitement.

The Mexicans attempted retaliation when the exigencies of our Civil War had caused the withdrawal of the few troops that had been allowed Arizona, and before the California Volunteers arrived. An Opita Indian led a party of freebooters across the boundary line into United States territory and committed a few robberies, but the report of advancing troops sent them back into Mexican jurisdiction, not standing particularly on their order of going; but as their hands were in for plunder, they continued to depredate upon their own countrymen for some months, when the troops of Pesquirie, under General Altimirano, surprised them one evening, killing and capturing many, among whom was the leader. All the captives were shot at sunrise next morning. This affair of the Crabb massacre has been particularized that the treachery and falsehood of Pesquirie may be placed upon record before all evidence shall be obliterated by lapse of time, as even now there are few living witnesses and actors in preliminary proceedings. Crabb's widow never married, but devoted all her energies to rearing and educating her children, and at this writing, 1902, resides in San Francisco, California. She has one son, a fine business man, named Henry A. Crabb, after his ill-fated father.

The first mining machinery was brought into Arizona to be used at the famous Cerro Colorado Mine, sometimes known at that time as the "Heintzelman" Mine. Some settlements, though small and at long distances from their base of supplies and from each other, were commenced along the Colorado River, in what is now Mojave County, in 1857, and efforts were made to secure a civil government for the Territory about this time. No courts were organized within the territorial boundaries, and Santa Fe, N. M., was a long distance to go to obtain at least a semblance of justice, or at least judicial forms. The people depended upon their own strong arms and resolute hearts in these times, when practically each man was a. law unto himself. After the United .States troops were withdrawn, no military protection was. afforded to Arizona until a company of Confederate cavalry came in from the Rio Grande under a Captain Hunter in February, 1862, and there were not enough of them to do much more than to protect themselves.

Brigadier-General James H. Carleton commanded the California column arriving in Tucson with the advance command of his troops, May 20, 1862, the Confederates under Hunter retiring almost within hearing of Carleton's advancing trumpets. General Carleton, in his proclamation of June 8, 1862, defined the boundaries of Arizona, and in the absence of civil law declared martial law, and for the succeeding eighteen months, or a little more, the Territory was fairly governed, and in most cases substantial justice was impartially administered. The military rule gave place to the civil in Arizona on or about January I, 1864, with John N. Goodwin, Governor, and seat of territorial government fixed at Prescott. At this point it may be well to state how it came about that the capital of Arizona was first located at Prescott in Yavapai County, a new town started by a few hardy miners and the party of officials that accompanied the new governor to his field of government. The governor and nearly, all of his officials (with the exception of Milton B. Duffield, the marshal) came across the plains, starting from St. Louis, Missouri, via Independence, to Santa Fe, New Mexico, where General James H. Carleton had established his headquarters as department commander. The department consisted then of New Mexico and Arizona.

When these officials left Washington, they were expected, in fact ordered, to proceed to Tucson direct, as that was at the time the only known town in the Territory of any size and standing. It had been headquarters of the Arizona District under Carleton's command, but the general was sensitive to criticism and hated a man or men who did not appear to justify his acts, although he might have doubts of their justice himself. Some of the citizens of Tucson had ventured to criticize the arbitrary and unwarranted act of his military government, notably the order of banishment of Sylvester Mowry from the Territory, for which there would seem, even by the documentary evidence presented to the military commission, to be no justification. So the commanding general had determined in his own mind to humiliate the free-thinking town which, at that time, December, 1863, was exciting considerable attention on account of gold discoveries around where Prescott now is.

The Weaver diggings had been discovered early in the spring before; therefore now was an opportunity not to be neglected to pay off old scores with Tucson and establish a rival city among and in the center of a vast mining region; besides the possibility, if not probability, was dwelt upon that it would open an avenue whereby each and all would attain vast wealth and influence. These two causes led to the abandonment of Tucson as the capital and the establishment of a new one in a virgin field, where all would have an equal chance for gold and glory.

As it has turned out after nearly forty years of trial, the gold has been no misnomer; around Prescott, in all directions, is a great mineral country, hardly surpassed in any section of the world. While some other regions may be higher grade to the ton, the climate and surroundings are such that the yearly profits equal those of any other part of the world today, and at this time the mining prospect of that section is increasing, and new developments are of frequent occurrence and will no doubt continue for many years to come.

General Carleton, to further humiliate Tucson, had the Military Depot of Supplies broken up at Tucson in August, 1864, and all troops taken from there and distributed among other posts; but early in 1865 Arizona was taken from Carleton's department and attached to California, and the new district commander re-established the department at Tucson.

By a proclamation of May 8, 1864, an election was called by Governor John N. Goodwin, to be held July 18, 1864, for the election of a Delegate to Congress and members of a territorial legislature. The first delegate from Arizona to the Federal Congress was Hon. Charles D. Poston. The members of Legislative Council first chosen were Coles Bashford, Francisco G. Leon, Mark Aldrich, Patrick H. Dunn, George W. Lehi, Jose M. Redondo, King S. Woolsey, Robert W. Groom and Henry A. Bigelow. Members of the lower house were as follows: W. C. Jones, John G. Capron, Gregory P. Harte, Henry D. Jackson, Jesus M. Elias, Daniel H. Stickney, Nathan B. Appel, Norman S. Higgins, Gilbert W. Hopkins, Louis G. Bouchet, George M. Holaday, Thomas H. Bidwell Ed. D. Tuttle, William Walter, John M. Baggs, James Garvin, James S. Giles and Jackson McCrackin. Coles Bashford was chosen president of the council or upper house, and Almon Gage, Secretary. Jones, generally known as Claude Jones, was appointed Speaker of the lower house and James Andrews Clerk, translator, and H. W. Fleury, chaplain. In both branches of this legislature were some very able men, who would have appeared in the front of any assembly. Coles Bashford was a very able lawyer, had been governor of Wisconsin, and was a man of mark wherever placed. In the lower house, W. C. Jones (Claude) was a distinguished lawyer and linguist, able to address a jury in English, German and Spanish. Nathan B. Appel spoke and wrote with facility in English, German, French and Spanish. People in the older States are apt to estimate the public men of the new territories as raw and new, because the country is new, forgetting that it is the boldest, most enterprising and broadest-minded that leave the old communities and come to new countries, to pave their way to fortune in new fields. This legislature divided the Territory of Arizona into the following four counties, viz.: Yuma, Mojave, Pima and Yavapai.