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WHAT WAS HERNANDO DE SOTO'S ROUTE THROUGH ARKANSAS - By Ada Mixon
(Ada Mixon is a native of Marianna, Arkansas, and a graduate of Peabody College
at Nashville, Tennessee. Since 1907, Miss Mixon has filled a clerkship in the Department of State at Washington.
She has written many articles for the magazine section of various newspapers but of late she has been interested
in playwriting. It was while looking up material for a pageant play with the history of Arkansas as a theme that
Miss Mixon became interested in the puzzling question of De Soto's route west of the Mississippi.)
It has never been satisfactorily determined just where De Soto crossed the Mississippi river on June 18, 1541,
or how far westward he went afterward. His wandering through the present states of Florida, Georgia, Alabama and
Mississippi have been traced with a fair degree of accuracy, but the few writers who have touched upon his route
through Arkansas each give a different account of it. Some chroniclers state that he went as far west as the Rocky
Mountains, unmindful of the fact that it took him two years to travel from Tampa Bay to the point where he crossed
the Mississippi, and that his travels west of that river occupied only a year. Some writers have placed the point
of crossing at Chickasaw Bluffs and their route through the Ozarks of Arkansas and Missouri. Later writers are
of the opinion that the point of crossing must have been a short distance north of the thirty-fourth parallel,
and this is far more likely, as may be determined by the description of his wanderings immediately after reaching
the western bank.
The route as outlined on the accompanying sketch has been worked out from a careful study of the only recorded
accounts which are regarded as accurate. First in importance is the report of the factor or chief commissary of
the expedition, Don Luys Hernandez de Biedma, which was written from notes jotted down during the journey. This
is very brief, giving only a few essential details, names of tribes, towns, rivers, resources and some directions.
Second, the journal of Rodrigo Ranjel, De Soto's private secretary, which bears evidence that it was an actual
journal made during their.travels and gives more fully than Bied-ma's work the directions taken and descriptions
of the various regions traversed. Third, the account given by an anonymous writer known only as "The Gentleman
of Elvas," a resident of Elvas in Portugal, who, with a party of Portuguese gentlemen, joined the expedition
of De Soto at Seville. A list of names of these Portuguese is given in this narrative and no doubt so modest a
cavalier as "The Gentleman of Elvas" has placed his own name last upon this list. If this deduction is
correct, his real name was Don Alvaro Fernandez, who is mentioned last in the list of nine names. His account of
the expedition was undoubtedly made from notes and dates set down on the trip—this has been proven by comparison
with the calendars of the years 1539 to 1543. While some of his statements are evidently made in error, his narrative
has been accepted as the best story extant of their travels through those primeval forests, both on account of
its engaging literary style and its reliability as compared with the two official texts. It is worthy of note that
this is the only contribution from Portugal to the history of the New World. Its merit places it in the foremost
ranks of history of that period, a period which includes some of the brightest stars in the literary firmament.
Without doubt "The Gentleman of Elvas" was a cavalier of some standing at home, and of some importance
in the expedition itself, being present at the counsels of the officers and bearing his part nobly both in the
deliberations and in the fighting.
Previous writers on this subject have based their determination of De Soto's route largely upon the account of
the Inca Garcilero de la Vega, a historian of the Sixteenth century, whose narrative was written from reminiscences
related by an old soldier forty years after he had returned from the expedition. It is an interesting and romantic
story, but obviously inaccurate and highly colored. This narrative has been entirely ignored in tracing the route
of De Soto herewith presented.
Besides these sources of data for the route, the only other corroborative method possible is a personal examination
of the country involved, and this has been done by the author as far as concerns the first portion of the journey
immediately following their crossing of the Mississippi river. Beyond that, the directions and descriptions in
the three records referred to have been followed, and the fact that the map of the region corroborates their accounts
may be considered further proof of the general accuracy of the whole.
De Soto's method of advance in his explorations seems to have been, first, to surprise the natives and take a number
of prisoners who were retained as hostages until he could communicate with the cacique or chief of the tribe. His
interpreter, Juan Ortiz, had spent twelve years among the Indians of Florida and was his means of communication
during the first three years of exploration. After reducing the chief to submission, exacting tribute of supplies,
guides, interpreters and slaves to help carry their burdens, De Soto and his party, after stopping in one village
a few days or longer, would pass on to another province. From the Indians he learned where gold might be found,
or where abounded the most fertile fields, the most prolific crops and the most abundant game. Very often they
would reach a village to find it deserted by the natives, who had heard of the approach of the Spaniards and had
fled in terror.
It is remarkable that these Indians of 1541 knew nothing of the calumet which was regarded as an important institution
150 years later by the Indians in the same territory. Also, their demeanor was altogether at variance with our
generally accepted ideas of Indian characteristics. When defeated or when seeking clemency, the chief always gave
way to tears instead of maintaining the stoical dignity of the tribes of later years, the type long familiar to
us in song and story.
As De Soto had heard from the Indians on the east side of the Mississippi reports of the prosperity of the Pacaha
country on the opposite shore, his desire was to find the Pacahas as soon as he crossed the "Great river,"
as the Mississippi was designated by the Spaniards. For that reason, after crossing the river his course was northeasterly,
following the river until he reached a large town in Aquixo and advanced to the town of Aquixo, which Ranjel says
was "very beautiful or beautifully situated." No doubt after the swamps which opposed their passage on
both sides of the "Great river" and among which they had wandered for many weary days, they were pleased
to see the hills of Crowley's Ridge, which began at the present town of Helena. On the principle that what was
a good site for a town then would still be a good site, it is most likely that the town of Aquixo stood upon the
present site of Helena. This town is partly on the hills and partly on the plain below, stretching to the "Great
river," and may be described as "a beautiful village or beautifully situated." One day's journey
below Helena, therefore, may be regarded as the most probable place at which De Soto's expedition crossed the Mississippi
river, but owing to the changes which have occurred since then in the river bed it is impossible to give any one
spot even as a mere conjecture. It is a well-known fact that the Mississippi river has changed its course at various
points and at various times within the memory of man and in the" course of 350 years the topography of that
vicinity has probably undergone a complete change, although 200 miles south of the area affected by earthquakes.
They crossed the "Great river" Saturday, June 18, and stayed at Aquixo from Sunday until Tuesday, states
the terse diary of Ranjel. The Indians at Aquixo told them of a fertile and prosperous country called Casqui, three
days' journey from there, and they started in that direction and crossed "a small river." Neither of
the three chroniclers state in what direction the party went in search of Casqui and previous writers have assumed
that they continued their northeasterly course and that the "small river" was what is now the St. Francis
river. But there were tall pines at the town of Casqui and none exist in the St. Francis river valley-
- certainly not on the eastern side of that river, where the land is low and swampy, nor is the land
"higher, drier and more level than any other alongside the river that had been seen until then as Elvas describes
the land of Casqui. To find such a country we must turn to the westward, where three days travel from Helena, in
the southern part of Monroe county, it is "higher, drier and more level" and is also a region of pines.
Pine City may be considered the site of one of the Casqui towns, possibly the town of Casqui itself, where a cross
of pine fifty feet high was set up by the Spaniards on a hand-made hill. The "small river" which they
crossed was Big creek, which at that time was larger than its present dimensions, as all smaller streams tend to
grow less if the region through which they flow is under cultivation. For example, in 1812, when the city of Washington
was besieged by the British, it is a matter of history that the British ships sailed up the Anacostia river as
far as Bladensburg, Md., an impossible feat at the present day for even the smallest sea-going craft.
On Wednesday the travelers passed through "the worse tract for swamps and water they had found in all Florida"
according to Ranjel. On Thursday they reached the Casquin- country. It was here that the pine cross was erected
at the request of the Chief of Casqui. Observing that the Christians were more powerful than himself, he expressed
a desire to worship the Christian's God, frankly admitting that his wish was born of a desire for material profit.
He willingly furnished them with supplies and offered to help them invade the Pacaha province, whose tribe were
his hereditary enemies.
The Gentleman of Elvas says that "in the fields were many walnut trees, having tender-shelled nuts in the
shape of acorns, many being found stored in the houses" This is the region of pecan forests. Ranjel says that
in the town of Casqui "over the door to the principal tent were many heads of fierce bulls/' which were without
doubt the heads of buffaloes.
From here they went in the direction of Pacaha, accompanied by Casqui, who sent his men ahead to build a bridge
for the Spaniards across a lake or swamp which separated the two provinces. The Elvas gentleman calls this "a
lake like an estuary that entered the great river," and it was "half a cross-bow shot over, of great
depth and swiftness of current." Ranjel refers to it as a "swamp." The bridge made for them by the
Indians was "built of wood in the manner of timber thrown across from tree to tree, on one side there being
a rail of poles higher than the rest as a support for those who pass." It took the Spaniards a day to cross
this swamp. Northeast of Casqui or Pine City, in the southwestern corner of Lee county, is a cypress swamp which
is still a formidable body of water in high-water time, and in those days before the surrounding region was under
cultivation no doubt covered a much longer and wider extent of territory. They took several towns in Pacaha, one
of which may have occupied the present site of LaGrange on Crowley's Ridge, and three days later they reached the
village of the chief of Pacaha, which was near the Mississippi and the mouth of the St. Francis river. They surprised
the Paca-has, who fled as the Spaniards approached and took refuge on "an island between two rivers,"
one of which was the "Great river."
There seems to be little doubt that this other river was the St. Francis, but the exact point at which the St.
Francis then entered the Mississippi is difficult to determine. An examination of the map of this territory shows
that these two rivers come within one and a third miles of each other at a point about nine miles in a direct line
above the mouth of the St. Francis. The topography of this region leads one to the conclusion that it may be possible
that formerly the Mississippi's course led through this one and a third mile "cut-off," and into the
present channel of the St. Francis, where that river follows an irregular course around an extent of territory
which probably at some time was an island. If this is the case the "island between two rivers" may have
been at the mouth of the L'Anguille river, where it now flows into the St. Francis river, the St. Francis at that
time entering the Mississippi at the western end of the "cut-off."
Says Ranjel: "In Aquixo, Casqui and Pacaha, they saw the best villages seen up to that time, better stockaded
and fortified and the people of finer quality excepting those of Cofatichiqui." Pacaha was the first fortified
town the Spaniards found in Florida. It was surrounded by a stockade of timber ten feet high and plastered with
mud. Around this was a moat which was fed by a ditch leading from the "Great river," and this moat was
well stocked with a wonderful variety of fish, as were all the waters in that neighborhood. The travelers caught
them with nets, and "however much might be the casting there was never any lack of them/' "There was
a fish called bagre, the third part of which was head, with gills from end to end, and along the sides were great
spines, like very sharp awls. Those of this sort that lived in the lake were as big as pike; in the river were
some that weighed from 100 to 150 pounds. Many were taken with the hook. There was one in the shape of a barbel;
another like bream with the head of a hake, having a color between red and brown, and was the most esteemed. There
was likewise a kind called peel-fish, the snout a cubit in length, the upper lip being shaped like a shovel. Another
fish was like a shad. There was one called pereo, the Indians sometimes brought, the size of a hog, and had rows
of teeth above and below."
The sportsmen who fish in these waters will recognize many of these types of fish today.
In Pacaha they found many shawls, deer skins, lion and bear skins and many cat skins. "Numbers who had been
a long time badly covered there clothed themselves. Of the shawls they made mantles and cassocks; some made gowns
and lined them with cat skins, as they also did the cassocks Of the deer skins were made jerkins, shirts, stockings
and shoes; and from the bear skins they made very good cloaks, such as no water could get through. They found shields
of raw cowhide out of which armor was made for the horses." This passage and the preceding one regarding the
fish are from the narrative of the Elvas gentleman. Evidently the buffaloes roamed in those primeval forests not
many miles from the Mississippi river. As the travelers had lost most of their clothing in the great fire at Mauvila
(Mobile) they were now glad to array themselves in the habilaments of a pioneer trapper, even the priests of the
party. All the sacred vestments and implements of the holy office had been lost in the fire, so that the first
religious services conducted on the western side of the "Great river"—first recorded at Casqui—were more
Lutheran or Calvin than Roman in character.
De Soto, after invading Pacaha with the aid of Casquin, was deserted by Casquin at a critical moment in the fight.
Later, having subdued Pacaha, he had arranged to aid Pacaha to conquer Casquin, but that wily chief, hearing of
his design, came to him weeping and humbly acknowledging his fault. In a long speech, punctuated with sobs, Casquin
asked why De Soto wished to treat him, a friend and a brother Christian, so cruelly.
De Soto received him kindly, and endeavored to make peace between him and Pacaha, and thought he had succeeded
until he invited them to join him at a feast. As they were about to sit down at the banquet, the two chiefs began
a heated argument and were about to come to blows. Summoning the aid of the interpreter, De Soto learned that both
the great chiefs claimed the distinction of sitting at the right hand of his host. They agreed to submit the question
to "the governor/' and each gave his reason for demanding the place of honor as his right, Pacaha because
his ancestors were more honorable and Casquin because he was older and more distinguished. De Soto finally gave
the right-hand place to Pacaha. Thus the first discussion of the question of diplomatic precedence recorded on
the North American continent took place in the backwoods of Arkansas in the summer of 1541, but the end of such
disputes is not yet, as the hosts and hostesses of these latter times might testify.
De Soto's Route in Arkansas - While the party was at Pacaha an expedition was sent to the Northwest in search of
more provisions, and, as always, on the lookout for signs of gold. They were anxious to find, also, a route to
the sea. They traveled for eight days "through a wilderness which had large pondy swamps"— which answers
to the description of certain parts of Lee and Monroe counties in high-water time, more especially in the tracts
now reclaimed by cultivation.
Biedma, who went on this expedition, says they found a region "where we didn't find even trees and only some
wide plains on which grew a plant so rank and high that even on horseback we could not break our way through"—this
must have been Prairie county. Finally, they came to a small village with huts covered with rush sewed together—they
called this province Caluca. The people "cared little to plant, finding support in meat and fish." They
returned from this expedition "in great extremity, eating green persimmons and cornstalks found in this Indian
town" These Indians told the party that toward the north the country was thinly populated; the "cattle
were in such plenty no corn field could be protected from them and the inhabitants lived upon them."
Eight days' journey northwest of Pacaha would follow a line more or less parallel to the Missouri and North Arkansas
railroad, which runs through the prairie region of north Monroe county and in Prairie county. The Carluc village
may have been on Cache river, as the inhabitants lived on fish and meat. It was the custom of these people to move
their tents of skins from place to place, according to the supplies they found. As soon as the fish and meat of
one region was gone, they folded their tents and moved on to another better supplied.
After a month's stay at Pacaha the governor and his party went back toward the land of the Casquines.
The Indians had told the Spaniards of a large province and country of great abundance toward the southwest called
Quiguate.
On the way toward Quiguate they visited Casquin, and that friendly chief took them in canoes across the river of
Casqui, which was a branch of the "Great river" and was as "large as the Guadalquiver"—this
refers to White river. Their place of crossing was probably at some point near Casscoe. On the second day they
camped by a stream, probably Rattlesnake bayou, in the neighborhood of Goldman. About three days' journey from
White river brought them to Quiguate, the "largest village they had seen in all Florida," according to
the testimony of all three of the authorities from which this record is taken. It was situated on another river
of Casqui—now known as the Arkansas river. According to present calculations, Quiguate was in the vicinity of the
site of the present city of Pine Bluff, on the Arkansas river. This country of Quiguate, "like that of Casqui
and Pacaha, was level and fertile, having rich river margins, on which the Indians made extensive fields/9 says
Elvas.
At Quiguate they were told that eleven days' travel to the northwest was a province called Caligua, where they
subsisted on certain cattle and where interpreters might be found for the whole distance to the "other sea."
De Soto was trying to find a way out to the Gulf of Mexico. Also, Caligua was in the mountains and he hoped to
find gold there.
They remained at Quiguate eight or ten days to find guides and interpreters, leaving there August 26 in search
of Caligua. They traveled northwest through a region of swamps, finding no place to camp for three nights—"from
swamp to swamp made a journey over four swamps and days' marches, seeing no end of fish, because all that country
is flooded by the "Great river" when it overflows its banks. "Swamps where we drank from the hand
and found an abundance of fish," says Biedma. This was through the low marshes and swamps between the Arkansas
and Saline rivers. They were following in a general way the direction of the Saline river toward its source in
the mountains of Saline county.
And now comes one of the most puzzling passages in the whole account of the expedition. They left Quiguate August
26, and on Tuesday, September 1, they reached the River of Caligua, "and Wednesday likewise the same river."
At first blush this sentence leads to the conclusion that the party were doubling on their trail, as they were
sometimes compelled to do, owing to the mistakes of the interpreter in understanding the directions given by the
Indians. But as Juan Ortiz did not die until they reached winter quarters at Autiaque, it is not likely that such
a mistake occurred at this point. An explanation may be found by an examination of the map of Saline county where
the Saline river takes its rise in four branches or forks. Evidently they first reached the North fork and
next day the Alum fork of Saline river. When they left Caligua they "crossed the river again" says Ranjel,
referring to the Middle fork, which is south of the Alum fork. As no mention is made of the South fork the presumption
is that Caligua was situated in the extreme western portion of Saline county between Alum fork and Middle fork.
Going southward, they would find the South fork a much smaller stream, and cross it without making any note of
it.
According to Biedma's description of Caligua, the "land is very plentiful of substance, and we found a large
quantity of dressed cows' tails and others already cured." In reaching the town they "went over much
even country and other of broken hills coming straight upon the town, as much so as if we had been taken thither
by a royal highway, instead of which not a man in all time had passed there before."
This is perhaps the earliest description on record of a buffalo trail. They found the town of Caligua populated,
and "from it they took much people and clothes and a vast amount of provisions and much salt." "It
was a pretty village between some ridges along the gorge of a great river," says Ranjel. According to Elvas,
"About forty leagues from Quiguate stood Caligua at the foot of a mountain in the vale of a river of medium
size like the Caya, a stream which passes through Estremadura." Estremadura is the name of a province of Portugal,
but the name of Caya does not appear on the map. There is small doubt, however, that the stream was the Middle
fork of Saline river. The soil was very rich, yielding corn in such profusion that old corn was thrown out of store
to make room for new grain. Beans and pumpkins were in plenty, "larger and better than those of Spain."
Elvas adds that the "pumpkins when roasted have nearly the taste of chestnuts."
From Caligua "at midday they, went to kill some cows, of which there are very many wild ones," says Ranjel.
This town was in what is now the national forest reservation near the present town of Beaudry.
The Indians at Caligua told them that six leagues north were many cattle where the country, being cold, was thinly
inhabited, and that to the best of their knowledge the province that was better provisioned than any other and
more populous was to the south called Cayas. The chief of Caligua gave them a guide to the Cayas province.
They left Caligua Tuesday, September 6—on Wednesday they passed some mountains, evidently where the South fork
of Saline river takes its rise, and came to Calpasta, where was an "excellent salt spring which distilled
good salt in deposits." On Thursday, September 8, they reached Palisema, which must have been somewhere north
of Hot Springs. Elvas says that at Palisema, the house of the cacique was canopied with colored deerskins with
designs drawn on them and the ground likewise was covered as if with carpets. The chief left his house in that
state for the governor's use, though he didn't dare to await his coming. The governor sent a captain with horse
and foot to look for him, and though many persons were seen, owing to the roughness of the country only a few men
and boys were secured. Houses were few and scattered and corn was scarce.
Sunday they reached Quixila, where they rested over Monday. This may have been on the site of the present city
of Hot Springs. Tuesday, the fifth day of their journey from Caligua, they reached Tatilcoya, which was on "a
copious river which empties into the Great river." This was the Ouachita river at some point in Garland county
southwest of Hot Springs. Here the guide led them four days' journey upstream to Cayas, which they found to be
"a very rough country of hills." They camped at Tanico, which was probably situated near Cedar Glades,
in Montgomery county, among the Magazine mountains.
The province of Cayas seems by the map to be in close proximity to the province of Caligua, and the route they
took in reaching Tanico is a roundabout course. This was on account of the roughness of the country, the intervening
mountains forming a boundary between the two provinces and the southward trail was perhaps much easier, and, though
longer in distance, shorter to travel. Besides, the travelers were totally in the hands of the Indians, who may
have had reasons of their own for taking them by a roundabout way. Perhaps they didn't want their visitors to know
that in Cayas they would be so near to Caligua.
Both Ranjel and Elvas state that salt was made from the sands in Cayas. "The salt is made along a river which,
when the water goes down, leaves it upon the sand. As they can not gather the salt without a large mixture of sand,
it is thrown together into certain baskets they have for the purpose, made large at the mouth and small at the
bottom. These are set in the air on a ridge pole, and, water being thrown on, vessels are placed under them wherein
it may fall; then, being strained and placed on the fire, it is boiled away, leaving silt at the bottom,"
says the Gentleman of Elvas. Ranjel, after describing the same method of making, adds "and in that way our
Spaniards made excellent salt,very white and of good flavor."
They "tarried a month at Tanico, in the province of Cayas." Here, Elvas says, the horses fattened more
than anywhere else, owing to the large quantity of corn there.
"Blade of it I think is the best fodder that grows." The beasts drank so copiously from the very warm
and brackish lake that they became swollen and ill.
The cacique of Cayas told them of a fertile province up stream called Tula. According to Elvas it was "one
and a half days' journey to south of Cayas." The province of Cayas is now comprised in the Arkansas National
Forest Reservation, where the Ouachita river follows a tortuous course through the Magazine mountains, though its
general direction is to the west. South of Cedar Glades (Tanico)the Ouachita river curves to the southward and
then makes a sharp turn toward the northwest, so that the region of the Tulas may have been both "upstream"
and in a southerly direction.
Before reaching Tula they passed over some very rough hills. After a fight with the Tulas they returned through
a bad passage in a vale made by the river. Later, De Soto went back with a large force to conquer these Indians.
They were the fiercest fighters the Spaniards met in "all Florida." Says Ranjel: "They fought with
long, hard poles like lances, the ends hardened by fire, and were the best fighting people the Spaniards had met
with, and they fought like desperate men, with the greatest valor in the world." "Came on us in packs
by eights and tens like worried dogs." says Biedma. And Elvas: "The struggle lasted so long that the
steeds, becoming tired, could not be made to run." They showed no mercy and asked none, so that it was almost
impossible to take any prisoners. Finding that they were always overtaken by the mounted soldiers, the Tulas took
refuge on the tops of their houses, going from roof to roof, defending with the courage of any white man the sanctity
of his home and his family honor.
Evidently they lived in huts and not wigwams. Elvas says the speech of this Cacique—like those of the other chiefs,
and all the messengers in their behalf who came before the governor—no orator could more elegantly phrase."
For this brave chief also came finally before the conqueror in tears and acknowledged his indiscretion in resisting
so powerful an enemy.
From Tula they went southwest to Quipana, at the base of some very sleep ridges and near a river, reaching the
town after a journey of five days "over some very sharp mountains." Ranjel says it was "between
ridges of mountains near a river," and "all the country was mountainous from Tula." Elvas calls
it a "very rough country." This river was the Big Mazarn creek in the western part of Hot Spring county,
which runs through a mountainous section, and the place of crossing may have been in the neighborhood of Chandler.
From Tula toward the west was thinly populated—to the southeast were great towns principally in a province called
Autianque, eighty leagues, or ten days' journey from Tula. Near Autianque was "a great water, which appeared
to be an arm of the sea," which they afterwards learned was the same as the river at Cayas, the Ouachita.
On the way to Autianque they passed two towns called Anoixi and Catamaya. Says Biedma, they marched "in a
direction to the east, and having crossed these mountains, went down some plains, where we found a population suited
to our purpose— a town nigh to which was much food on a copious river emptying into the Great river."
It took them twelve days to reach Autianque from Tula, on account of the roughness of the country and the fact
that they had to care for their wounded, several of whom died on the way. The town of Autianque was probably near
the present site of Saginaw, in Hot Spring county, south of Maivern on Ouachita river. Ranjel says it was "a
plain well peopled and of attractive appearance." They reached Autianque Wednesday, November 2, and left it
March 31. During this long, cold winter, the Spaniards learned from the Indians how to catch "conies,"
as they called the squirrels of those mountains. According to the Gentleman of Elvas, they were of two sorts, one
of them like that of Spain, the other of color, form and size of the great hare, though longer even, and having
bigger loins." The contrivance they used for catching the conies "is a strong spring that lifts the animal
off its feet, a noose being made of a stiff cord to run about the neck, passing through rings of cane that it may
not be gnawed."
The winter was severe at Autianque, with "so much snow we thought to have died," says Biedma. Here Juan
Ortiz died, a loss that was irreparable.
"Monday, March 5, 1542, the governor left Autianque to seek Nilco, which the Indians said was near the Great
river," with the purpose of going to the sea to recruit his forces. He had not over 300 efficient men, nor
more than forty horses left of that gallant force of 600 men and 200 horses which had landed at Tampa Bay some
three years before. Some of the horses were lame. "They had had no shoes for a year, but had little need of
them in a smooth country."
Ten days' journey down the Ouachita river brought them to Ayays on that river, where they crossed in a pirogue
which they built. This crossing was made to avoid the Little Missouri river, which enters the Ouachita at the intersection
of Dallas, Clark and Ouachita counties. The town of Ayays, therefore, was at this place. From Saginaw to the mouth
of the Little Missouri seems a short distance for a journey of ten days, but after the death of Juan Ortiz, their
only efficient interpreter, they had to depend on an Indian youth, who, in ascertaining the directions concerning
the route they wished to go, would require a whole day to find out what Ortiz could learn in a few hours, and more
often than not he would understand the opposite of what was intended, so that the party often had to retrace their
steps after a day's journey in the wrong direction, thus losing much time.
They were now on the east bank of the Ouachita. After crossing they traveled three days "through a desert,
a region so low, so full of lakes and bad passages that at one time for the whole day the travel lay through water
up to the knees at places, in others to the stirrups, and occasionally for a distance of a few paces there was
swimming," says Elvas. The Portuguese gentleman uses the word desert to convey the idea of deserted.
They reached Tatilpinco, a town near a lake "which flowed copiously into the river with a violent current."
It was March, which is the overflow season. They traveled all day along the margin of this lake seeking for a ford,
but could discover none, nor any way to get over.
This must have been Two bayou, where appear a number of small lakes. Returning to Tatilpinco, they found two friendly
natives, who showed them the crossing and the road, as in the overflow the marks of trails and paths are completely
covered by water. They made rafts and causeways from reeds and timber of houses, and on these they crossed this
river. Three days' journey from here brought them to the province of Nilco, which was plentifully supplied with
stores of corn, beans, walnuts and dried persimmons. It was the "most populous country that was seen in Florida
and most abundant in maize, excepting Coca and Apalache," which were east of the "Great river."
Nilco occupied the territory between the Saline river and Bartholomew bayou.
"The Governor sent a captain with £0 men and six canoes down the river to Guachoya, while he, with the
rest, marched by land and arrived there the middle of April. He took his quarters in the town of the cacique, which
was palisaded, and situated "a cross-bow shot" from the Mississippi. This province of Guachoya was most
likely the same territory now comprised in Tensas county, La., and was separated from the province of Nilco to
the northward by Bartholomew bayou.
From Guachoya De Soto sent a detachment to find a way southward to the sea, but they returned in eight days, reporting
that they had been able to travel only 14 or 15 leagues in that time on account of the great bog that came out
of the river, the canebrakes and thick scrubs that were along the margin, and that they had found no inhabited
spot. Then the governor sank into a "deep despondency" seeing that he could not sustain himself in the
country without succor. Before taking to his pallet he sent a messenger to the chief of Quigaltam, on the other
side of the Great river, to say that he, De Soto, was a chief of the Sun, and demanding tribute. By the same messenger
the chief sent a reply to the effect that he would not believe that De Soto was a child of the Sun unless he would
cause the waters of the Great river to dry up. He added that it was not his custom to visit any one— instead of
that all of whom he had ever heard had come to visit him and pay him tribute, either voluntarily or by force. He
ended with these words: "Neither for you nor for any man will I set back one foot." De Soto was at that
time "very ill of fevers" and could not accept this haughty challenge as he otherwise would have done.
Opposite the Tensas shore 150 years afterward there lived the Natchez, who were known to the trail makers of that
time as very fierce and warlike Indians. It may be that these of Quigaltam were the progenitors of the Natchez.
At Guachoya on May 21, 1542, died Don Hernando de Soto, governor of Florida, after naming Don Luis de Moscoso as
his successor in command of the expedition and governor of Florida until the king could make a permanent appointment.
After his burial in the Great river, De Soto's effects were sold at auction among the members of the expedition.
"For each slave or horse was given two or three thousand cruzados, to be paid at the first melting up of gold
or silver, or division of vassals and territory, with the obligation that should there be nothing found in the
country the payment should be made at the end of a year, those having no property to pledge to give their bond.
A hog brought in the same way, trusted, 200 cruzados. Those who had left anything at home bought more sparingly
and took less than the others," on the principle, presumably, that he who has nothing can lose nothing. De
Soto's property consisted of two male and three female slaves, three horses and 700 swine.
Thus Guachoya, besides being distinguished as the place of De Soto's death and picturesque burial, is also notable
as the scene of the first slave market on the North American continent.
Under Moscoso's leadership the Spaniards decided to find a way to the sea toward the west, and on June 5 they started
back the way they had come, following the Ouachita river at least a part of the way. Their wanderings during the
next year are chronicled only by Biedma and Elvas, the first named devoting only two pages to what must have been
a year of dreadful privations. Lacking the directions and dates of Ranjel, one is left only the narrative given
by the Portuguese gentleman, who becomes less and less explicit as their difficulties increased. There is, consequently,
scarcely enough data for even an approximate account of their travels. It seems an unquestionable fact, however,
that they reached the valley of the Saline river in southwest Arkansas, which is not the same Saline river of the
Magazine mountains eastward of the Ouachita, and here they found more salt. So many difficulties beset their passage
that they finally decided to return to Nilco, there to make preparations to journey down the Great river to the
sea. On reaching Nilco they found the natives had no crops nor supplies for them, but they were told of Amanoya,
a plentiful land to the north of Nilco, whither they went, and found, besides plenty of corn and fodder, suitable
timber for building the brigantines they needed. Aminoya was probably in Desha or Chicot county, Arkansas. In June,
1543, they left Amanoya and after many vicissitudes and privations, succeeded in reaching Panuco, on the coast
of Mexico, a sad looking crew, ragged and barefoot, totally unlike the brilliant company which had sailed from
Cuba four years before.
In the eyes of the world De Soto's expedition into Florida was regarded as a failure, but in view of its achievement,
history has accorded him a prominent niche in its hall of fame.
pg 312
BREAKING UP A PARTY OF ARKANSAS RIVER GAMBLERS - By William T. Hord
"This account of the breaking up of a party of Arkansas River gamblers was furnished the Arkansas
History Commission by Mr. Bryan Obear of St Louis, Missouri. "The narrative," says Mr. Obear, "is
an extract from a biography of the late Dr. John Gano Bryan, 1788-1860, of St. Louis. The biography itself is in
possession of Missouri Historical Society at Columbus. The commission may make such disposition as it deems proper
of the extract."
Dr. William T. Hord, Medical Director of the United States navy, said, "Our old home in Mason county, Kentucky,
was often in a state of ecstasy when friends and relatives came to make us a visit. Mother was very fond of her
relatives and endeavored to make their stay agreeable so they would come again. Cousin Mary Yell, on her way to
and returning from Washington, had stopped to visit mother many times and she enjoyed her company very much, because
she described beautifully the scenes she had witnessed in Washington, the great men in the diplomatic service as
well as congressmen, senators, statesmen and their wives. Her descriptions were so lifelike and vivid that mother
often said she thought she could see the persons and places spoken of.
Cousin Maria frequently caressed me and sometimes called me "my boy," which endeared me to her. She persuaded
my mother to let me accompany her on a visit to her home in Arkansas, promising to bring me back safely on her
return trip to Washington.
On our way we visited friends and relatives at Lexington and Hopkinsville, and crossed the Mississippi river at
Hickman to New Madrid, Missouri. We were soon on the road leading to Batesville, Arkansas.
Mr. Robert Smith was one of our party, and we stopped at his house on our arrival at Batesville, where his wife,
Cousin Susan, gave us a welcome and entertainment that could not be surpassed by a Kentucky hostess. Her house
was commodious and of the Southern home style, with a large yard filled with shrubbery, flowers and great forest
trees, in which I loved to walk and listen to the birds sing and see the pet deer and squirrels gambol.
On the fifth day after our arrival, our horses being sufficiently rested, it was determined to move on to Fayetteville-,
where Cousin Maria and Governor Yell resided; so in the morning the servant called to awaken me early, and while
helping me to dress, informed me that Dr. Bryan and his son, Master Edward, with a party, had arrived during the
night, and would be to breakfast with us. The rest of their party had struck camp in the pasture near the spring.
This information interested me and surprised me, for I had heard a great deal about both of them through family
talk and others, and felt some temerity at meeting them so unexpectedly.
Cousin Susan met me as I came down the stairs and took me into the parlor for an introduction to Dr. Bryan and
my cousin Edward. They both greeted me cordially, and Edward, being about my age, we were soon fast friends. All
constraint vanished when Dr. Bryan tapped me on the shoulder and said, "Sister Susan, he is all but a man,
and will be one before we know it." That remark cherished a hope which I have carried to this day.
After breakfast Mr. Smith asked us to go to the pasture to see the Doctor's fine horses, and on the way he said,
"The Doctor is going to Clarksville to perform an operation," at which Col. John Ringgold, who had joined
in with us, laughed outright. Governor Yell asked Mr. Smith if he thought it would be a successful one, and he
replied, "I don't know—you see it is a hard case, but if all Jim Madden says is true it ought to be done."
These remarks made an impression on my mind and I wondered what they meant and who was going to be operated on.
At the camp were two white men, who Governor Yell said were "herders" and drove stock from Missouri to
Arkansas for the Doctor. They were fondling the dogs, and as we approached arose and saluted most politely. The
negroes were grazing the horses in the pasture, each holding a horse with a halter, a little distance apart. The
Doctor stated to Colonel Ringgold the merit of each animal and gave the pedigree of each, which seemed to interest
him, but he eyed more closely than any other a certain chestnut mare, that was a perfect beauty, and finally asked
if that mare were "Eveline," to which the Doctor replied, "Yes." Colonel Ringgold then said,
"She looked beautiful last year when you defeated Dr. Mercer and Dr. Newman at Natchez on Mr. Bingaman's place—she
seems to have spread out." To which the Doctor assented, and added: "She will grow another year, for
she is only six years old."
Colonel Ringgold said, "I really believe the account of that race as told by Dr. Mercer, prolonged the life
of Senator Porter two months." The Doctor replied, "He was very fond of horses and quite partial to her
strain of blood." Governor Yell asked, "Where is the filly Henry Clay presented you with?" The Doctor
replied, "She is at home suckling her third foal, over yonder is her first foal by 'Boston Edward rides him
everywhere." The Doctor hailed a negro groom and he brought up a chestnut colt with four white legs and a
blaze in his face, to be admired by all present. He was a model of his stock, so Mr. Ringold said, and filled the
eye of a horseman brimming full. Governor Yell then said, "I remember when Dr. Lewis F. Lynn rode his dam
to Washington for you, in order to mate her with 'Boston' as a courtesy from Mr. Long." The Doctor replied,
"Yes, and the colt is worthy of its ancestor. Mr. Clay thought a great deal of his grand-dam; she was his
best race mare; I called the filly 'Miss Clay;' she was by Dunbars Stockholder." Governor Yell then said,
"Mr. Clay thinks as much of the Glencoe filly, Dr. Mercer gave him, as he does of the presidency; I hear he
has, named her 'Magnolia.' What is this colt's name Doctor?" "He has no name as yet," replied
the Doctor.
And so they went on and talked of each horse, and each dog, until I was bewildered and asked, "Why they did
not turn the horses loose to eat grass." When Edward said quickly, "They would kick each other to death—you
fool you!" This reply staggered me and I asked no more questions, although I noticed that the dogs were chained
and tied together in pairs—hounds and stag-hounds each had boots on them—some were very ugly looking brutes.
Cousin Maria decided to postpone our departure until the next day, to have a tete-a-tete with the Doctor, who purposed
to continue his journey as soon as the moon arose that evening; and they conversed together with Cousin Susan on
the porch, while Col. Ringgold, Governor Yell and Mr. Smith drank "juleps" in the hall, discussing the
approaching presidential election, state politics and public affairs.
At the dinner table the Doctor invited me to go with him to Clarksville, saying he would return by way of Fayetteville
in about a week, and that it would be a good opportunity for me to see the country. He stated the road was very
rough and mountainous between Batesville and Fayetteville, and that horseback riding would be more comfortable
than to be pitched about in a carriage. After some persuasion on his part, assisted by Cousin Susan, Cousin Maria
consented for me to join the Doctor and Edward on their trip to Clarksville.
The Doctor indicated the horse I was to ride, and after assigning a servant to wait upon me, we bid adieu to Cousin
Maria and Cousin Susan and rode away in the bright moonlight, behind the Doctor and Col. Ringgold, followed by
the rest of the party—"herders," dogs tied together in pairs, loose stock and negro camp hands. All moved
together like a company of cavalry. Our pace at first was no faster than a walk for two or three miles, gradually
was pressed into a "fox-trot," then into a gallop, which soon settled down to a long swinging stride
of which the horses seemed never to tire.
Creeks, streams and hills passed in such rapid succession that it put my head in a whirl, and the fatigue of the
journey increased my desire for sleep, and my consciousness was only sustained by the cool night air. During the
night we stopped twice to tighten up the girths of the saddles and to secure the packs on the horses, scarcely
a word was spoken, and a shrill whistle from the Doctor was the signal and command to move forward. At daylight
we turned off into a wood on the bank of a stream, unsaddled our horses and let them roll in the sand. Each horse
was then tied to a tree and given a bundle of hay in a loose woven net sack made of heavy twine string, which they
munched ravenously. Our breakfast was soon ready. It consisted of "Johnny Cake," bacon and coffee sweetened
with brown sugar and no milk. My bed was made near the root of a tree by my servant, who seemed to be amused at
my fatigue, and having a basin of water and a tin cup of salt, offered to bathe my sore parts. While this was being
done I saw the Doctor and Col. Ringgold amongst the horses, petting and caressing them, as the negroes fed them
grain from canvas buckets. Edward and I were soon asleep.
It was high noon when the howling and barking of the dogs awakened me, and as I sat up in my bed I saw two deer
hanging from the boughs of a tree, with their entrails taken out, which each dog was awaiting a portion. On the
ground were turkeys, squirrels and quail, and I observed each one was shot through the head. As I was examining
them, the Doctor came up and said that Edward was bathing in a shady pool near by and asked me if I did not want
to take a bath, at the same time handing to my servant a bottle and a large towel. The bottle contained whiskey,
and my servant rubbed me all over with it. It proved most refreshing and I learned that morning the virtue of whiskey
for bathing purposes, and never drank of it in after life. Edward and I lingered at the pool until the sun drove
us away from it. When I complained of being sore and aching, he said, "Wait until tomorrow morning, Pa's going
through to Clarksville tonight." I asked him how far it was, and he replied "about sixty-five miles."
Then I asked, "What is he in such a hurry for?" He replied, "Because the boat will be at Morrison's
Bluff tomorrow night, and Pa wants to see the horses the gamblers have on board."
Returning to camp we found all asleep, and some of the horses lying down, excepting the cook, who was cutting up
the venison into steaks, having cut up two turkeys for frying in the Dutch oven, and prepared quail and squirrels
for broiling. Edward and I laid down to rest and sleep.
The servants awoke us for dinner, which was served on the ground, and the repast was all that we could wish, consisting
of hot biscuits, coffee and all the game meat we could eat, deliciously prepared.
We had rested twelve hours when the Doctor gave a shrill whistle—the camp was all bustle in a moment—preparing
for our departure. At the start we all moved together and at a slow pace for more than an hour. Our road led along
the course of the Little Red river and crossed it frequently. We came on to a bunch of black bear playing and bathing
in the river. Their antics were most amusing and we stopped a few moments to watch them; then the Doctor took a
rifle and shot a small bear, when the balance scampered away. A negro brought the bear to the roadside and I saw
that it was shot through the head in such a manner that both eyes were torn out. It required only a few moments
to disembowel the bear and place it on a pack-horse.
During the night we seldom spoke to one another, and our ride was about the same as the night before, although
it was over a better road than the one we came down "Devil's Fork Creek."
Before daylight we arrived at the farm of Col. J. Madden, three miles east of Clarksville, a brother-in-law of
the Doctor, who gave us a most cordial welcome. Lamps were lighted and breakfast served just as day was breaking.
After which we all retired to bed.
About 10 o'clock Edward and I arose and found the Doctor, Col. Ringgold and Col. Madden talking in the hall.
Col. Madden said, "If they are going to carry on always as they have two years past, we all might all well
go to raising mules, for we cannot sell a horse now for a quarter of what it is worth." Col. Ringgold asked,
"How many are in the party?" And Col. Madden replied, "Five, and they just scoop everybody."
Col. Ringgold asked their names.
Col. Madden replied, "John Robinson, John Moro, Cameo Kirby, Tom Woolhite and Bill Mitchell. They are
the worst set of thieves on earth—what they don't get by cards they get through the horses. At Arkansas Post last
year they won two hundred bales of cotton from Mr. Dobyns and twenty niggers, and poor old Mr. Varner lost his
plantation and all his servants and is now a poor man. There are just lots of people they robbed out of one to
ten thousand dollars each, to say nothing about the horses, mules and cattle they actually stole through their
so-called horse races. If I was not certain that the horse John Robinson has is yours, I would never have written
to you about him. Tyree Musette says he knows they are yours and that it is a shame to let those gamblers rob everybody
as they do. I wrote to him one day last week before I did you, to come down here and help to break up these villains,
but it's a rough road to Fayetteville and I guess he has to come slow".
Mrs. Madden entered the hall at that moment and patted the Doctor affectionately on the head, saying, "Brother
Jack I told everybody that I knew, if those were your horses, Sister Sarah and you knew nothing about it, and so
soon as you found it out you would put a stop to John Robinson's wild horse race antics mighty quick. You would
not tolerate your horses being used to plunder people for one minute— why, all our work in these twelve years since
we left Ste. Genevieve county, Mo., has been thrown away, nothing made, and we can't get ahead a bit for John Robinson
and his thieving gambler friends. I wish Moses Austin had stayed on this place and we in Ste. Genevieve county."
The Doctor put his arm around his sister's waist and said, "Mary, if John Robinson has taken my horses, he
will have to give them up and return to his wife, or he will return to his God." Mrs. Madden screamed "Brother
Jack, don't kill him—just give him a good thrashing." The Doctor said, "He needs more than that—he's
neglecting his wife and children and he must go home or go somewhere else." "But Brother Jack, promise
me you won't kill him, thrash him, horsewhip him, but don't kill him for Sister Sarah's sake. She would never get
over it," said Mrs. Madden. The Doctor replied, "She would be better off if he were dead!" Mrs.
Madden replied, "I don't care—but I don't want you to kill him," and she threw her arms around his neck
and sat on his lap and began to cry, saying, "You shall never leave this house until you promise me you won't
kill him." Then she said, "We sent for the sheriff from over the river and our own sheriff with his fighting
men and our friends, the horses can be taken away from them, and all the gamblers arrested for vagrancy and placed
in jail. If there is any killing necessary to do that—let the sheriffs do it!" The Doctor smiled and said,
"You have an easy way of doing it, Mary." Col. Madden interposed, "No sheriff will ever arrest Tom
Woolhite, Mary, he has killed many a man, and Bill Mitchell killed a sheriff at Helena last winter. John Moro is
a Spaniard, and he will shoot any man in the back if he gets a chance. Cameo Kirby is young and the best of them
all, but he will fight and he is a dead shot." Mrs. Madden broke in, "I don't care—but Brother Jack must
not kill John Robinson. Helena is only a rendezvous for thieves, gamblers and murderers, and if they did kill a
few down there I expect they needed it—but Brother Jack must not kill John Robinson, it will kill Sister Sarah!"
And she threw herself on the sofa convulsed with grief and buried her tears in a sofa pillow.
While we were eating dinner there was a loud "Hello" at the front gate. Col. Madden looked out of the
window and said, "Tyree Musette and Jimmie—I knew they would get here!" In a few moments they were seated
at the table with us, and it was evident they were tired from their long ride from Fayetteville. Young James Madden
was about the age of Edward and myself, and the Doctor complimented him on his growth and height. Mr. Musette asked
where Mr. Robert Smith was, and the Doctor said he was too much fatigued from his trip to Washington to come with
us, and added that they were to meet Governor Yell in Fayetteville next week. Mr. Musette then said, "I hope
so—Tom Woolhite will fight and John Moro is a treacherous man; we will have to look out for him. Mitchell is no
coward and he has had many a duel and killed many a man, but I do not think it will be necessary to kill more than
two or three of them. You see they have been robbing this country a long time and they know every respectable person
in Arkansas is down on them. They are sharp and are wide-awake. We will have to be careful, Doctor !" Mrs.
Madden interposed, "Mr. Musette, I want you and every one else to promise me you will not kill John Robinson,
arrest him, whip him, but don't kill him."
Mr. Musette replied, "It's a hard thing to whip John Robinson, Mrs. Madden, he is strong and heavy, and there
are few men in this world who can whip him." "Brother Jack can whip him," said Mrs. Madden. "Yes,
Madam," said Mr. Musette, "but he might shoot him." He won't try that—Brother Jack has done too
much for him. No, John Robinson will run as soon as he sees Brother Jack—you mark my words, he will run, and Brother
Jack must not shoot him. He knows he has done wrong and he knows who his friends are, and his conscience will hurt
him and he will give up rather than be killed!" "Mrs. Madden, it's a desperate undertaking to stop John
Robinson and his associates from their doings—they are flushed with success at the expense of every planter and
stock grower in the Arkansas valley, but they must be broken up, hap what hap, I don't want to see any one killed,
but you can only fight the Devil with fire, and the only way we can stop them from pilfering is to kill them—if
we don't, they will kill us. Law—shucks! They just laugh at the law and they care no more for a sheriff than for
any other man. But I promise you I will not shoot John Robinson if he does not start to shoot at me, I have a wife
and four children as well as he has!" "Thank you," said Mrs. Madden, "I mean that for all of
them," said Mr. Musette. "I do not want to kill any one, and I feel as if I am somewhat to blame for
selling that horse 'John Belcher' to Cameo Kirby, he won a lot of property from Mr. Davis at Dardanelle with him
last fall, and Mr. Davis could not afford to lose; he has been struggling along for some time. I did not think
the horse was any account for racing. He is twelve years old, Doctor." "He was a good mile horse several
years ago by Imp. Barefoot from Adriane," replied the Doctor.
"Ever since Col. Nolan brought 'Volcano' into the country, I thought him the best horse," said Mr.
Musette. "Yes," said the Doctor, "I think you did well to sell him." "But we have to
have an out cross, Doctor," said Mr. Musette. "Certainly, if it be of the right sort," said the
Doctor. Then Mr. Musette looked at Col. Madden.
After dinner we all started for Clarksville, where we met Col. C. F. M. Nolan, who was talking to the sheriff as
we rode into town. Col. Nolan told the Doctor that everything was ready, and we rode down Spadra Creek to the
Arkansas river. We rode up the river a mile or more to a sand bank, where the Doctor ordered one of the "herders"
to stand with the dogs, and the sheriff left two horsemen with the "herders" with orders to arrest or
kill any one that might leave the boat and try to come ashore. We crossed the Arkansas river above Morrison's
Bluff and took positions; just above the steamboat landing. Shortly afterwards we heard the boat whistle down
the river, and within an hour she was at the landing. The Doctor was the first to jump on board, he passed rapidly
to the rear and soon came back, saluted the captain as he went upstairs, followed by Col. Ringgold and Col. Madden.
He entered the cabin and firing began immediately.
John Moro jumped from the deck to the bank and was met by the sheriff, the "herder" and the dogs. He
surrendered his pistols to the sheriff. At the same time a man was seen swimming in the river trying to make
the far shore. Cameo Kirby walked out on deck half dressed, and threatened Mr. Musette, who stood beside Col.
C. F. M. Nolan, who commanded him to surrender with a drawn pistol. At this moment the Doctor and Col. Ringgold
came out of the cabin and saw John Robinson in the water swimming for dear life. The Doctor demanded the surrender
of the boat, manifest, books, papers and cargo from Captain Yerzley, who was taken so much by surprise that neither
he nor the mate had time to make a remonstrance or issue a command. In reply Capt. Yerzley said, "You seem
to know what you are doing, gentlemen—resistance is useless. I am at your service and the boat at your command."
At this moment some ladies began to shriek in the cabin,and the Doctor entered it. In a few moments he returned
with the ladies walking before him, giving them every assurance of protection. The ladies looked at Cameo Kirby
with much surprise, who stood with folder arms. He and John Robinson were asleep in their state room when the Doctor
and Col. Ringgold first entered the cabin. John Moro, Tom Woolhite, Bill Mitchell and Mr. David Simpson were playing
cards at a table. The Doctor demanded their surrender, but as they started to draw their pistols, the Doctor fired
and they returned the fire—five shots in all, with Mitchell and Woolhite dead. As their bodies were brought from
the boat, I noticed that each was shot through the head.
The Doctor demanded from the captain that all horses be removed from the boat and delivered to the sheriff. As
the horses were being removed, Cameo Kirby claimed two as his property. The Doctor said, "You are a prisoner
in the hands of the sheriff, on your release show your bill of sale to him" Cameo Kirby said, "Do you
mean to dispute my word, sir?" "I mean to dispute the word of any man who has the comrades you have,"
said the Doctor.
The horses being unloaded, the Doctor demanded that the cargo be unloaded on the bank and delivered to the sheriff
on his receipt therefor. Capt. Yerzley replied, "Yes, sir! I was paid five thousand dollars for this trip
from Helena to Fort Smith and was to be paid the freight back to Helena." The Doctor replied, "There
will be no freight back to Helena this trip, and if you engage again for this sort of an expedition, your boat
will be burned."
The stevedores worked hard unloading the cotton, molasses, hemp, and common stock. The two dead men were buried
without coffin, shroud or a minister. Then the Doctor called to Capt. Yerzley that he could back out and take his
boat where he pleased. It was soon under way and headed down stream.
It was late when we reached Clarksville. John Robinson, John Moro and Cameo Kirby were in the jail. The sheriff
asked them which they would prefer to do—leave the State or stand trial on a charge of vagrancy. They promised
to leave the State.
Mrs. Madden kissed the Doctor for not killing John Robinson, and took him away with her, promising to send him
home to Sister Sarah in Ste. Genevieve county, Mo.
The Doctor gave James Madden, Jr., Mr. Tyree Musette, Col. John Ringgold and Col. C. F. M. Nolan each a horse as
a compliment for their assistance, and gave directions for two other horses taken from the boat, to have heavy
shoes placed on them for mountain travel.
We were about to retire at the house of Dr. Bennett, when a note was received from Cameo Kirby demanding satisfaction
for the insult the Doctor had given him on the boat. The Doctor gave the note to Col. Ringgold, saying, "Arrange
to meet him at sunrise on the Fayetteville road, where it crosses Horsehead Creek, near the old birch tree."
This arrangement he made with John Moro, second for Cameo Kirby, and we retired to bed, but I could not sleep from
apprehension and the day's excitement. I heard the Doctor snoring soundly in the next room. Dr. Bennett called
us at 3 a. m. and the servants served us with coffee and biscuit before we rode away to the meeting place.
Cameo Kirby and his party were on the ground when we arrived and it did not take long for Col. Ringgold and John
Moro to select the ground and position. At the word "Fire" both pistols went off as one shot. Cameo Kirby
turned to one side and dropped his pistol. Dr. Bennett reported a wound in the muscles of the right arm and that
the bullet had grazed one of his ribs. Col. Ringgold asked John Moro if he demanded another shot, and he answered,
"No."
The Doctor mounted his horse, and as he rode by said to Cameo Kirby that he would give him further satisfaction
when his wound healed, if he demanded it. Pointing his finger at John Moro, he said, "You thieving, murderous
skunk, you better get out of this State if you value your life!" Then he whistled, and our party rode on about
ten miles to the farm of Mr. Linville, who was away from home on our arrival, but his wife gave us a fine dinner
of fried chicken and fish caught in Mulberry river, five miles distant. Here our party was joined by Mr. James
Harrison, whom the Doctor talked with about organizing a company to work the iron mountain. The Doctor said that
Mr. Mc-Ilvaine had died a year before and that Mr. Valle was disposed to make some concessions and he hoped a union
of interests could be effected advantageous to all the owners of the property. That night we rode to Fayetteville,
where we found Governor Yell and Cousin Maria. After listening to a recital by Col. Ringgold of our experiences
and happenings, the Governor said, "It is the best thing that ever happened for the State. The Helena gamblers
have their backbone broken now and they will scatter to other parts. Doctor, we all owe you a debt of gratitude,
and I wish to thank you in the name of the people of Arkansas, and for myself. You have labored for twenty years
to give us good horses, and now this act of yours will give us better citizens."
I heard that John Moro and Cameo Kirby went to Mississippi, where they quarreled. Moro shot Kirby in the back.
After his recovery Kirby fought Moro a duel and killed him.
John Robinson returned to his family at Ste. Genevieve county, Mo., and for a few years remained at home, but he
returned to his old habits, and the Doctor, unable to persuade his sister to leave him, outfitted them for a trip
to California in 1849, where Robinson died.
I also heard that the sheriff advertised the money and cargo taken from the boat, for thirty days, and disbursed
it amongst the rightful claimants. The remainder went into the county "Fund for the poor."
The Doctor remained a day with Governor Yell, and I learned much of his past life, received useful information
which was valuable to me in after life. He left Fayetteville saying he was going to Neosho to see Mr. Cravens,
to New-tonia to see Nathan Boone, to Springfield to see John S. Phelps and to Salem to see William Linville, before
returning to Potosi.
When a man is born with a profound moral sentiment, preferring truth, justice, and the serving of his country to
any honors or any gain, men readily feel his superiority. They who deal with him are elevated with joy and hope;
he lights up every circle in which he stands. In his presence, or within his influence, every one believes in
the omnipotence of his efforts and follows his instructions with implicitness, almost bordering on credulity. It
happens now and then that a soul is born that has no weakness of self—which offers no impediment to the Divine
Spirit—which comes down into nature as if only for the benefit of -others, and all its thoughts are perceptions
of things as they are, without any infirmity of earth. Such souls are the apparitions of Gods amongst men, and
simply by their presence pass judgment on them. Men are forced by their own self-respect to give them certain attention.
Evil men shrink and pay involuntary homage by hiding or apologizing for their action, when under the scrutiny of
that glance, which flashes from beneath the awful brows of genius.
The Doctor was one of these men, and united to a firm and incorruptible nature, his hatred of everything mean,
his unyielding enthusiasm and confidence, his reckless disregard of danger, his passion for incessant fighting
for the right, were all the physical and intellectual qualities which make a great leader of men. A trait on which
he constantly relied was intuition, an almost infallible divination of an opponent's design, and a rare analysis
which enabled him to ascertain the purpose and unravel deeds, as if he held a printed programme in his hand.
His physical endowments were greater still. Imbued with a wonderful nerve energy, bold, reckless, self-reliant,
but with a marvelous good nature, his face indicated quickness, impulsive daring, wiry alertness, and great bodily
endurance. And with all generosity, kindness and inherent honesty. He was a man such as I have never seen since.
Cousin Maria summed him up after he left, when she said: "Dr. Bryan knows how to do things, when to do them,
and then does them" and of this I had ample evidence.
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