James B. Carter
Civil War Chronicle


Please take the time to be thrilled with a heretofore unreleased record of one man's chronicle of his part in the American Civil War don't let his Preface scare you off. This manuscript has been typed as close to the original handwritten text, as possible, with its author's colorful errors and flexible spelling intact. Some military and other period terms are defined at the end, to assist the reader.

PREFACE

To be born is a condition that has come to evry one that has been born into this life since the world began, and the onley difference that there is in the culmination of such an event is the conditions that may have surrounded each individual case. It has often occurred that the Prince of the relm, and the Pesant of the lowest order, have been born within the same hour, and so far as the physical fact was concerned, there was no difference, but the social conditions that have obtained in these cases, was notoriously to the extent that in the former, the fact of the birth was heralded to evry part of the civilized world, over which the inhabitance were greatly rejoyced, and celebrated the occasion with lowd acclaim while in the latter incident little was known of the fact outside of the hovel in which it occurred, and instead of honor and goodwill to the little strainger, the question of food and raiment was seriously considered without reaching a satisfactory conclussion. Thus quietly, and meekly millions have come, and lived in it for a time and have gone out of it without either fact being known outsider of the circle of a very small number of friends whose friendship and kind offices was a matter of duty instead of pleasure.

Some however, like the redeemer of the world, have been paupers as were at birth, have died kings, and princes of the relm, and for many years afterwards have been reveranced as great benefactors of the race. Thus the story of the cross will be told through out all ages till all the world shal hear the glad tidings, and the name of Lincolon will be reveranced, by all of the lowley, and downtroden, as the great emansipator.

This preface is inteded to introduce to any member of my family who may take the trouble to read the following sketch of my life now being writen in the early daun of my 76 yeare. I am sorry that I havent a more sterling aray of acts to present, but it is something to live so long in the world, and while it has not been my privilege to atchieve great, and notable things, I have performed my duty as I have seen it with energy, and absolute honesty.

CHAPTER I

The reader of the prefface of to this beography will find nothing to indicate that I was born a prince. Neither will be conclude that I was born a pauper, but it will not be out of place to say that while my parents were not rich, as the world looks at such acquirements. They were rich, in the qualities that are necessary to build up and establish an honorable manwhood, and a pure, and unassaleble womanhood. In principal they were arristocrate, and gloried in the honorable traditions of their families, but unfortunately for them and the subject of this sketch, they were seriously handicapped by the balefull influencies of human slavery, that in their day were injected into the social relations of life, by the use of the negro as such, as it existed in the south prior to the civil war, and this observation calls into the question the place of my nativity, which I am not asshamed to locate in the foothills of the cumberland mountains in Cumberland county Kentuckey. It is a matter of history that this part of the country was settled up by imigrants from Verginia, North carlina, and Tenn. All had working people, thoroughly honest in all of their business transactions, and profoundly religeous in their morral uprightness. These people all came from a mountaineous part of the country, and were well equipped for the hardships that were necessary to subdue the wilderness out of which they were to make new homes. Inspite of the hardships that they had to indure I believe that they got more satisfaction out of life, than people do now, with all of the modern opertunities for ease and social pleasures. While these people did not bring a great many slaves with them, they did bring much of the prejudice, that follow in the wake of slave conditions, and they could hardly get away from it, when it was preached to them from the pulpit evry sabath day. I remember that a very favorite test; Servents obey your masters, for such is the will of God", and as the preachers depended upon the few slave for their saleries, they had little trouble in silencing any little prickings of their concience that might diturbe their equinimity that might trouble them, occassioanly.

It looks strange, now that these liberty loving people should have been controled by the influencies that came over the mountains from the far south land, where slavery was paramount.

My Father, Green Carter was born in Cumberland County KY, and his ancesters were Verginians, and of English decent, and though he was oppoesed to negro slavery, his predjudices against the abolitionists were so strong, that inspite of his moving around, very close to the notorious Mason & Dixon line. He never ventured acroll it to live. In his religious views he was quite puretanical, and his observance of the sabath day was so streneous, that it was a torture to young people, who were full of life, and energy, at least that was the way that it appeared to me at the age of 7 & 8 years of age. While he was given to hard labor, as were all who were born in a mountaineous part of the country. They had no faculty for acquiring property in the direction of a permanent home, and if he had done so I am of the opinion that the church would have gotten most of it in one way or an other. During his whole life, from a young man to its close, he was an exorter, a local preacher, and a clas leader, in the methodist church, and spent much valuable time in looking after the churches affares. He was also given to a sperit of unrest, and moved around from place to place, rearly remaining in one place more than one year. Truly he was a rolling stone, that gathers no moss". Inasmuch as other charactoristcs will appears from time to time, in this narrative, further mention is not necessary here.

My mother, Frances Hawkins was born in Verginia, but her father removed to Tenn while she was yet a babe, and shortly aftrwards to Cumberland county Kentuckey, where she grew up to wormanhood without acquiring an education, further than to read. She was a most loveable character, and if she could have acquired a liberal education, she would have taken high rank in the social affares of life. But as it was, she commanded the love and respect of all who ever made her acquaintence. I do not think that anyone who knew her ever spoke ill of her in anyway. Her religious convictions were more profound, and impressive, and so thuroghly unselfish, that one could be mistaken as to the purity of her motives. She was a member of the methodist church for more than fifty years, and inspite of many hardships, and privations, and serious physical disability she lived to be nearley 75 years of age.

Shortly after my birth, which occurred on the 15 day of October 1836. My parents removed to Harden county KY, where we reamined some two years, when they again removed to Mead county KY.

About this time some of our neighbors concluded to remove to southeastern Mo, where they had some relatives already located. I do not remember the county, but know that it was in the corner of the state, on the Miss river, about 18 miles above Newmarked, and my father, every ready to rove, cought the fever, and joined them in this unfortunate venture, which resulted in his death some two years afterwards. At this time we were living about 25 miles from the Ohio river, with the great free north land just beyond, and yet my father faild, or refused to take advantage of the opertunity of his to forever get away from the balefull influence of negro slavery. Just across the border, great opertunities were available for his children to acquire an education, that would prepare them for the responsibilities of life, while on the otherside was enforced ignorance, and social ostracism.

There were three families of us who proposed to go to what they termed a land of promise, and vigerous steps were taken at once to prepare for the removal. A flat boat was constructed, and launched in salt river, a short distance from the Ohio river, which was large enough to carry all of the families, their household plunder, their farming tools, their stock, in fact evrything that would be needed at their new homes. Thogh a small boy, many of the incidents of the journey are indelably fixed in my mind, and are now rememberd at my advanced age, as if occuring but yesterday.

At that time, water transportation was the onley mode for heavy transportation, and the Ohio river teamed with mighty steamers that plowed up and down the rivers, and were in evidence, almost continualy, day and night. Having more space than we needed, we took on some freight, as a speculation, which consisted in part of a lot of barreled lime. We also had an extra passinger on board that engaged my boyish attention during the days, and part of the time at night. This passinger was a well developed member of the bebroon family, this animal, thogh chained became a terror to the children both day and night, and finaly to the men, when they went out one morning and found that broone had tore some of the lime barrels into pieces, and scattered the lime over the boat. Of course the lime had to be thrown overboard. I do not know what became of the perpetrator of all of this miscief, and loss, I onley know that he disapeared, to the great satisfaction of all on board the boat.

In those days, steamboats were a terror to flatsboatmen. The officers of a steamer and steamers in general had very little regard or flatboatsmen, and rarely failed to show their contempt for them by running close enough to throw water over the gunwals of the boat. In cases where onley men were aboard these contemptable acts, created lttle excitement, other than aburst of profanity on the part of the flatboatmen but when there was a lot of women and children aboard, the lementations of these people, parralized the men into profound, silence. The steamboatmen generaly knew who they were fooling with. They did not rouble the boats of the heavy shippers, for each one had some peculararty in the construction of their boats, that was familiar to the officers of the steamboats. Of course there was a law governing transportation, as there is now, but boats owened by occassional shippers like ours, had very little remedy for annoyance, or damages agains these fellows, for the reason that if they even got into the courts with their cases they would have little show for justice against these corporations. So you see that monopolistic forces were in evidence, even in those earley days, and were quite as arrogant and hard to controll as they are at this time, the steamboat interests wanted to monopolize the freight transportation, and used every means in their power to drive the flatboatsman from the rivers. In those days the freight trafic from the Ohio, and Miss vallies were emense, and the heavy part of it found its way to Neworleans by water transportation. The law required each flatboat to display a signal, which was a flage of some kind in the daytime and a large torch light at night.

My boyish interests were wrought up, that I kept out in the open in the daytime, and much of the nights, when I could manage to escape the viligance of my mother, and of course I was able to take most of the passing events in.

I remember that we landed at Rockport Ind to replenish our suply of wood and provissions, but this incident would not be worthy of mention, but forthe fact that it afforded my father another opertunity to brake away from slave influencces, and other bliting conditions. At this place some methodist people found us out, and tried hard to influence my father to abandon the trip, and cast My recolection is that they throwed out some valuble inducements to influence him to locate there, besides this they showed him that they were prety well acquainted with the country to which he was going, and that his family, now so healthy, would be stricken with maleria, and probbaly some of them would die if he went on, but none of these things moved him. He was a very detirmined man and when he started out to do a thing, it was a hard matter to turn him from his purpose. He had started out with these people, and I believe that he thought that it would be an act of cowardice to cut loose from them now. I will mention here in passing, that 10 years after this event, my mother removed within twenty five miles of Rockport, where she resided till she died.

The next notable incident that was impressed upon my mind, occurred at Cairo Ill, where we landed to take on suplies, before embarking upon the busom of the great Miss river, a very bad storm of wind rain and snow broke upon us here with great violence, in the night and so sevier was its fury, that it was deemed unsafe for the women, and children to remain aboard the boat, and it was a very dangerous experiment to attemt to disembark in the darkness that prevailed, but fortunately, all were safely landed, and partial shelter provided for them with quilts, and blankets, which afforded some shelter from the stormy blast. The men worked all night at the pump, and with pikes to keep the boat aflote, and prevent it from swamping. I do not think that any attempt was made to disembak any of the stock, but many of them were damaged by being thrown against the sides of the boat. All of the next day the waves run so high that it was not considered safe to go aboard of the boat, till late in the evning, when we went aboard, and was able to partake of a freshly cooked meal, and pass the night in a refreshing slumber, which was greatly needed by all. The next morning we were able to resume our journey, and were on our way to the promised land, as some of our party called it, where we were advised that all of our hardships would end, and we would be in a land that flowed with milk and honey, and that we would be able to feast upon venison, and bear meat. I have no recolection of any momentuous event having occurred, and there was little to interest one, outside of the great steamboats that were almost continualy passing.

There is something regaly grand about a great floating palace plowing a great river in the night time, and creats a picture that never grows old, and I think that it is to be regreted that whose supurb floating palaces have practicaly disappeared from our great river. Our experience on the great father of waters not for a long time, and we were rejoyced when we were landed at a place, called the Widow Wimps landing, or woodyard.

I have no recolection as to the time of the year, but remember that it was not long till spring. We were able to secure a place to live on a far, in plain sight of the great father of waters, and could see the mighty steames passing almost evry hour. My recolection is that our home was a small cabbin, with ten or fifteen acres of ground around it. and as we had our stock, and a full equpment of farming tools we soon got busy, preparing for a crop. My father planted our little farm in corn and cotton. I think that our planting was all done in Feb.

When we landed, the natives looked at us in wonder, and estonishment. Our cheeks were rosey red, and made a very radical contract to the sallow cheeks of those who lived here. They couldent believe that our robust physical condition was an evidence of superior health, but thought that we must have some kind of physical ailment lerking somewhere, and that our red cheeks were evidence of an internal heat, or fever. Those who had lived north, were wiser than the purely native, who had never been but a very few miles from their homes, we were advised by these wise one, that the blush of youth and viger would soon fade away, and we would be in harmony with the rest of the people, which proved true, as will be related later on. The country was yet quite new, and what farmes there was, were very small. The forests were very dense, besides the trees, and underbrush, emense cainbrakes were in evidence evrywhere, and in some places almost impenatrable. The stock lived throgh the winter on lain leaves, so that very little feed was needed. When we got our crops planted we felt quite comfortable, and really believed that we had made a very fortunated move, which I believe would have proved quite true, if we had been permitted to harvest our crops, and retained our good health.

But unfortunately for us, this was not to happen. About the first of june, the great father of waters showed signs of unrest, which in a short time increased its volumn to an alarming extent. For three weeks the people were kept in constant dread of an overflow, which had not occurred at this time of the year for several years past, but the inhabitance well remembered that such a think had occurred in the past, but hoped that we would escape this time.

A report that a slite fall in the rive had occurred over night strengthen this hope, but when the report gave a rise of a foot or so these hopes were dashed, and general gloom was pictured on the faces of evry one. Thus we were kept in constant dread, and expectancy. The back country being lower than the river front, it was inundated long before the water appeared in our vicinity, and we hoped to the very last that we would escape, all of the hosues were built about three feet from the ground, and we could remain in them till water reached the floor level. I remember that we stayed in our house till all land had disappeared, but the water came on gradualy, surely, and finaly it was decided that we must move out to higher ground, or ridges as they were called, the first one being something more than a mile from the river. In those days, we did not have the benefit of telegraph, or telephone as now, and could know nothing about the flood north, till the water was upon us, unless warned to a limited extent by passing steamers. I remember that we were taken out of our house in boats, or canoes. Our stock had been removed to the high ground before the water got too deep for them to wade, some small stock were placed in pens built of railes, and floored above high water mark. I remember that we passed out throgh our cornfield, and that the corn was in roastineare, and that some of the ears were under water, and that my father plucked a lot for use. We passed from our field, into the woods, and pushed our way throgh the cain brakes as best we could, I do not remember how long the flood was on, but I do remember that my father, and mother became very nerveous, and felt that they were imposing on the people who were kind enough to furnish us shelter. My father visited our submerged home evry day, to look after what we had left behind, consisting of household goods stored in the garret, and some hoogs and a calf or two in pens, as before mentioned. Finaly he brought the welcome news that the water was falling, rapidly, and that land was in sight on the high places, and in a day or two that there was little or no water on the river front.

It was a hapy day for me when my father announced that on the morrow we would go home. To be on the watter appealed to my boyish pride, and ambition, besids I wanted to see what had ben the results of the great flood, it was rather a tedious journey throgh the dens cainbrakes, and cyprees knees, but we finaly landed neare where our field of corn had stood when we went out, of which nothing remained but a thick coating of mud, several inches deep. My father took my mother in his arms, and waded with her to the hosue, and then came back for us children, and carried the two youngest ones and bad me follow, as best I could, which I was prowd to be able to do. Our home was in a sorry plite, it was mud, mud evrywhere My fahter had washed the floor, and walls the day before, and they of course were very damp, and should not have used for living purposes for a month at lest. We had better to have lived without where we were, than to have gone into this damp place. I am satisfied that it was here we drank in the malara, that brought the whole family down with fever and ague, that hung on to us the entire time that we remained in the state, and came very nearley ending all of our lives. I am not sure as to dates, but as prety certain that we landed in the state of Mo, in the earley part of 1841, and left the state en the earley part of 1843. I am guided in fixing time by my age, and that of the other children.

The hot sun quickly dried up the mud, and vegitation sprung up and covered the marks of the flood so that those on the trees onley remained. The rest of the summer passed with me rather plesantly, till the early fall, when the fever and ague bagan to get in on me, but my blood was so pure that it required some months to produce a noticable effect, at that time the country abounded with much wild fowl, many of them showing very gaudy plumage, and semed to vie with each other in the melody of their songs. I spent all my spare time in the woods vie3wing their gaudy plumage, and lising to their sweet carrols. Some time in the latter part of the year we left the river front, and removed back to the first ridge as id was called by the natives, where we would not be distrubed by the overflow of the Miss river. I remember that I regreted to leave the river, where I could watch the great streamers as they plowed up and down its turbid waters.

Baring sickness, our second summer passed rather plesantly, and ratther prosperously. My father succeeded in gathering in some stock several milch cows, and three good head of horses. He had secured a kind of preemtion, or squatters right to the place on which we lived which he would have perfected in a year or two if he had lived.

At that time the money products of the country, consisted of cotton, which was exchanged for flower, and groceries, save enough to make their clothing, which they spun and wove in their homes. The country abounded in wild meat, which anyone could have in he owned a gun, and was marksman enough to kill it. The squirls were so thick that one had to herd them out of the cornfields, if he made any corn. My father being a very energettic man, made a good crop in summer, and soght work abroad in the winders. During the winter of 42 & 3 he secured work in the management of a grist, and saw mill several miles away, and it was while working here that he contracted a cold, that in a short time developed into winter fever, and eppidemic that swept over the entire country that winter, and many died for want of medical attention, as did my father. Our resident doctor was taken down with the disease, and the onley medical help that could be had was at New Madred, some 18 miles away. We ordered a physician from that town, but he reached my father two late to save his life, and he had to die, leaving us in a helpliss condition. Myself and sister were both down with the feve, and my younges brother, who was something over a year old had to have continual care, and close attention. The situation was so distreessing that it cast a cloud over my young mind that I could never that it cast a cloud over my young mind that I could never dispell entirely, a kind of nerveousdreat semed to take held of me, and was ever present with me afterwards, while the neighbors were sypoathetic, and helpful, it was a matter of necesity, rather than love that secured their benefactions. My father was rather puritanical in his religeous views, and practice, and his criticism of what he considered wrong, was most seveier, and he had seriously offended many of these people, and I think that it was the respect for my mother that enabled us to secure their kind offices.

As soon as my mother could dispose of our stock, and we were able to be removed, we all went to the Tuckers , a family, and friend that came with us from KY, where we remained till my fathers brother uncle joseph carter could reach us from KY. Which he died some time in February, and as soon as possible we removed to the river at the place where we landed, when we reached the country.

We stoped at the widow Wimps, who was most kind to us, taking care of us while we were waiting for a boat, which required several days as this was onley a woodyard, it was hard to get boats to land for passengers. We had to use a signal flage during the day, and a torch light at night. Of course we had to be ready to embark at once, in case that a boat responded to our call.

It was in the night time that a steamer responded to our call by blowing its whistle, which warned us to get ready to go right on board. Our little household effects were placed where the rousabout could get them easily, and quickly, the landing of a large steamboat at night, as well as in the daytime is an imposing specticale, and is sure to draw a crowd, if in reach. Quite a little croud had gathered to see us off. When the boat officers found that they would get onley deck passengers, with a very megar amount of freight, they indulged in more profanity, than was elegant, but they ordered us put aboard, and in a hurry. In the hurry, and excitement my mother did not notice that the woman that held her baby boy had not come aboard, till the boat was pushing out from the shore. Her peircing screams brought evrybody to attention, even the deck hands, one of whom ran out on the gang plank, and lying down was able to grasp the boy from the womans arms, and deliver him to my mother.

Another incident effected us children greatly. We had a little black feist, called music which we had lost sight of, till we heard her howling frantickly to be takingt on board, but too late. The pet was left behind, but evidently cared for, on our account if no other. We were soon snugly tucked in for the night, and out of danger which was s great consolation for my mother. Her nerves had been terably everwroght by the events of the evning, and could have stood little more.

Our boat arrived at Smithland, about the middle of the forenoon the next day, where we had to reship onto a boat running up the Cumberland river, while our boat proceeded on if way up the Ohio river. In the excitement of disembarking, I had too many gauke eggs on hand, which I did not dispose of intime to pass out onto the wharf boat with the rest of them, of which I was made startlingly concious of, when I heard my mother scream out that her boy was being taken away. In this instance the ganglank had been taken in, but a strong man picked me up, and ran to the sturn of the bat, which had not parted greatly from the wharfboat yet, and handed me across the chasam, into willing hands. It semes that, even then my destiny was towards the great free north land.

We onley had to wait here a short time for a boat to take us on to Nashville, where we arrived without anymore thrilling incidents.

At Nashville had had to again reship on the Cumberland river to near th head waters of navigation, but we were not so luckey in getting a boat. There was onley one small boat running up this river, and it onley made a thrue trip about once in a fortnight. We had to remaine here two or three days. But finaly we were advised that the boat would be along at a certain hour in the day, and we were hustled to the river, and on board of the little boat This steamboat was called the Burksville which was the name of a town situated at the head of Navigation, on the Cumberland river, and was the county seat of Cumberland county. To the people of to day this little boat would not be considered worthy the name of a passenger transportation. Its propelling force up stream could have been exceeded by a good healthy team of horses. The escapement of it stream made a continuous, whistling noise that sounded in the distance like the scream of a wild animal.

When the boat made its first trip, in the country where it passed in the night time, the people were greatly alarmed, believing that some wild animal was at large. The distance that we had to travel was not great, and was soon ended, without any startling incident.

We landed at Cloid s ware house, or ferry, either name was sufficient. As was usualy the case when a steamboat was due, quite crowd greeted us at the landing, which was incidental, as no one knew of our coming, but among the crowd, there were many of our relatives, and friends of my mother, who escorted us to their homes, wirh real KY hospetality. At that time southern hospetality was perverbial and notorious the world over. Even stranger were entertained, and lodged, with no thought of compensation, even the offer of which on the part of the sohourner, would have been offensive.

I remember that we spent some weeks visiting around amoung relatives, and friends, till we finaly reached the home of Uncle Joseph which was a part of the Old Carter homestead. My father had at one time owned a part of this homestead, but I do not hink that he relaised much out of it. In some way a deed had passed to our uncle Joseph, and it is possible that a promise was given to pay a certain purchas price. But as business was done largely on the credit system, I doubt that it was ever paid, which I think my mother knew but as uncle had been very kind to us in many things, she could not complain. I do not recall how long we lived with my uncle but I am sure that it was several months. Finaly a move was made in the community to provide us a home, and the neighbors all turned out, and built us a round long cabbin, in rather an out of the way place on my uncle s farm. The site was selected by my mother because that it was away from the public highway. While she was a very good woman, she was a very great coward, especialy as to the negro population, whom she regarded as being morraly unreliable.

The house was a very crude affare. The floor was constructed out poplar slabs, fastened to the lower joists with wooden pins, and was very open and rough, being smothed with a broad as. In one side was and opning, which was closed with a wooden shutter. The fire place was onley built up half way, and semed to draw the wrong way, and we were often litterly smoked out of the house.

Taking the house as a whole when completed farmers now a days would hardley consider it good enough to stable their horses in but as there were many in the country that were no better, if as good we considered thsat we were rather fortunate to get this cabbin as a donation. My mothers love of a home was sincere, and unbounded, and when she gathered her little family within its walls, and gave such hearty thanks for the privelege, we felt that it was good enough for anybody.

We now set to work in earnes{t} to make a living, and make our selves comfortable. My mother was a great sufferer from asthma, which often rendered her incompetent to perform any kind of labor. I frequently had to sit up with her all night, and give her warm teas, when I thought that she would not live till morning. I did not know that asthma rarely kills people. My mother did all kinds of work such as spinning and weaving. The wool, or cotten had to be made into rolls with hand cards, and I became quite an expert in the use of them. I would card the rolls, while mother would spin them into thred.

During the day I would gather dry sticks with which to keep a light in the fireplace to enable us to work at night, which was often prolonged to a late hour. I will say in passing, that I was now nearing my ninth birth day, but felt that I had the responsibilities of a man resting upon my shoulders. Besides having an inordinant ambition to acquire a home, I had an ever present desire to become educated, and I devoured all the books that I could get ahold of, which were few indeed. There was very little literature in circulation amoung the poor, and middle classes. The onley newspapers that I remember to have seen, was a few copies of the Louisville Journal. I cant remember when I first could read, but up to this time I had never entered a school room, all that I knew I learned at home. When I could get nothing else to read I fell back on the bible, which I devoured greadily. On nights, when I was not engaged in helping my mother I would lay with my head to the fireplace, and read by a brush light.

There were no public schools then as now, and only the well to do could afford to send their children to a subscription school.

My mother desired greatly that I should have school priveleges, and through the influence of wealthy friends got me into a subscription school, but after a trial of three weeks, found that the rich children imposed upon me so much, that she took me out, and I did not attempt to go again while we remained in the state.

My mothers health failed so badly that it became necessary for me to do what I could towards making a living. Wages in those days were very low, and it was hard for a boy to get work at any price. When I was elevn years old I hired out to a farmer at $25.00 dollars a year. It was several miles to the home of my employers home, and I could onley make occasional visits to my mothers home which was the greatest privelige of my life. Language would fail to convey to the reader the pride that inspired my boyous heart, over being able to help my mother support the family. Every moment of my short visits were spent in visiting with my mother, and planning for the future.

I continued to work for $25.00 a year till I was 14 years old. In the latter part of my 14th year I was taken down with inflammatory rheumatism, and was not able to do any work till spring, which was a great calamity, but in some way we lived. The people where ever we lived were kind to us, and when misfortune overtook us, helped us to weather the storm. With the springtime came health, and I was able to go to work again. I was now well along in my 14th year, and was able to do a mans work, but had to accept a boys wages.

We did not realize that great changes were in store for us, and that ere the year should close we would be in another state. About two years before, my Uncle Joseph, had removed to Warrick County Indiana, and he was so well pleased with the country, that he wrote us that he was coming after us in the fall, to remove us to his new home, and to get ready by the first of October, which as I recolect was the fall of 1849. It was a great day for me when we were loaded into my uncle's wagon, and bid farewell to the land of our nativity, possibly for ever. I will here explain that there was not sufficient room in the wagon and I was told that I would have to walk.

Besids my mothers family there was an aunt and her husband, and her two children, and the bedding for bothe fmilies. I received my orders with heroic resignation. The excitement of travel was upon nand I felt equal to any undertaking. A decription of our train will, I opine be interesting reading for those who have had no experience in, or observation of the mode of imigration 60 years ago. My uncle's wagon was a two horse concern with a long stiff toungue, the horses were driven without the driver sat ont he leader, with the off horse tied to it, with a rope halter. There were two other wagons in our train, which were driven in the same way. All of the men folks, except the drivers had to walk, which would not have been very exhausting, if the weather had kept dry. I for one started out in the morning in great sperits and kept it up till in the afternoon, when one of those characteristic southern autumnal rains came down upon us, and continued till after nightfall. We were all wet to skinn, and we soon had to wade mud and water at evry step. But I did not get greatly discouraged. I regarded it as a part of a program in travel that had to be indured, and I knew that it could not be avoided. We had a distant relative living on the road, whose place we desired to reach before camping, but it was about dark when we got there. We got shelter for the women and children but the men folks had to sleep in the wagons, which were {not} very comfortable. The weather cleared up and remained so during the entire trip. We were enrout earley and made a good days travel. The onley incidedt that is worth recoording was that I was advised int he morning that we would pass the residence of my great grandfather Hudgens, on my motthers side of the house. This information did not inspire me greatly. I considered that I had not lost any relatives of that kind, and I was not particularly interested in finding any. I remember that we went into camp for dinner at a creek, and a house on the hill was pointed out to me, as being that of my grandfather, and that when we had eaten our lunch we would go ahead while the horses rested and visit the old people.

When a boy, and up to my earley manhood I was painefully timid or bashfull. I had an abiding horror of a sene, such as the meeting or parting of friends, and on this occassion I figurd that there would be more or less of a sensation, either at meting or parting, which I made up my mind I would not witness, and when they all got ready to go they could not find me, but I knew that I would have to pass the house, but I figured that I coudl keep out of sight behind some of the wagons. When the wagons moved out I followed close in, but when we neared the house I found that the folks had all gone on a walk, and therefore that there would not be any kind of a parting sene for me to witness, and I became more bold. The old gentleman was standing at the gate, and called to me to know who I was, and my timidity all left me, and I felt quite asshamed of my conduct. He was very venerable. I think that they told me he was then in his 96th year, and he lived to be more than a 100 years old.

The rest of the journey was made without any startling incidents. The second day we passed through Glasco, the county seat of Barren county. The third day we passed through Bolingreen, which afterwards became famous in the civil war. The third {fourth?}day took us through Hartford. I finaly became very footsore, and one afternoon I climed into the back end of the wagon, to rest and get a little sleep, but I had hardly got well settled till they found me and ordered me out, and I felt quite disgraced, and my chagrin stuck to me the balance of the journey. The evening of the fourth day we reached Ownsboro, on the Ohio river, and I was again priveleged to look upon that great waterway, down which I had passed 9 years before. On the morning of the 5{th day} we crossed the river into Indiana, which placed us within a days journey of our future home, but did not reach it till the evning of the 6{th} day out. We had traveled about 135 miles, which was prety good, concidering our travling equipment. We were not long in securing a home. My mother was ever vigilent in that direction, and she never failed to find helping hands in procuring one. Lemuel Carter, a cusin of my father, had a vacant house on his farm, that he removed and reerected for us. My mothers perverbial timiditiy timidity again interveaned, and she had the house erected on the back part of the farm, when she could have had it put up on the public road. Lem as he was called hired me at $75.00 a year, which I considered monopolus in comparison to my wages up to this time, as I would earn as much in one year as I had in three years in Kentucky. About the first of January, {Lem}Carter thought that I had better go to school the bal{ance} of the term, two months, and agreed that I might make up the time. However this apparent generosity had in it a streak of selfishness. the corn had all been gathered, and there was very little proffiable work for me to do, and by letting me off the most of my time would be put in throgh the crop season, but myself and mother accepted the apparent favor on his part. In fact the idea of going to school at theis time I considered the greatest event of my life, and I could see nothing but generous impulces on the part of anybody. I had passed my 15{th} birth day, and had never been in a school but three weeks in my life. When on the first of Jan 1850 I started to school, I do not think that any boy ever entered the old log schoolhouse with a prouder step. My books consisted of Daveys third part of arrithmatic, a spelling book, and a copy of the U S history. I was known as the "poor widow womans boy", but throgh my mothers influence I had the respect, and encouragement of the entire school. Four of the boys of my size, who had gone well over into compound numbers concluded that they would go back and come up with the widow womans son. I may remark here that in those days there were no primary textbooks as now. In the two months, I made opretty good headway and my class got well into compound numbers. I used all of the spare time that I could during the summer in reviewing what I had gone over, and possibly advanced a little in other studies. The next winter I got in nearley three months. I commenced with my class at the beginning in arrithmatic, and were soon up to where we left off the previous year. Nearing decimal fractions, my classmates became discouraged, and wanted to review, but I said to them that I would never go over that ground again. They turned back and my recolection is that they never got any further in arriuthmatic. I perseviered, and made fare headway.

My progress at school was so rapid that I attracted considerable notice, especially amoung the old people, who refered their boys to me for an example of what a boy could do if he tried. During the winter my mother was able to get work for me for a very excellent man by the name of Baker. He was a bachelor, but lived on his fathers farm,and provided for the family. I received $12.00 per month and was treated as one of the family. In fact that I was able to relieve my muther from many hardships, was a source of great satisfaction and pride to me. I used most of my leisure time in reviewing my studies. In the fall of this year I met with an accident, in being thrown froma horse, which resulted in no other injury than the fracture of one bone of the right fore arm, which practicaly threw me out of work for the coming winter, but improved my time in school, and {I} was able to make radical. I took up grammer, astronomy, and philosophy. Gramar was very easy for me, and I was soon at the head of the school in that study, but mathamatics was always somehting of a puzzel for me, and I onley suceeded by the closest application. I continued to work the summer, and attend school through the winter, till my 20{th} year. I now considered that I had acquired about all that I could get in the public school and seriously thought of going to seminary, or college, but I never got farther than a serious consideration of the possibilities in that direction. I found that I could not go forward without a serious inconvenience to the family, and that, I could not get the consent of my mind to do. In the fall of my 19{th} year I had taken a lease of 20 acres of heavy timbred land for 5 years, from which I had to remove the timber, {a}foot {in diameter} and under, for the use of it. While I recognized the fact that I had undertaken a hurculan job for a boy, I believed that I would be able to accomplish it, and went at it with a detirmination that I believed would carry me throgh.

The first winter I was able to clear, and inclose ten acres, and put it in cultivation the next summer, and raised a crop of tobacco and corn. Of course I had to have some kind of a team, and was able to buy a yoke of oxen, for which I redeemed when due out of the proceeds of my tobacco crop.

Besids the incouragement that I received from my mother, I was urged on by inordiante desire, and detirmanation to be my own boss, and have a business of my own. I beleived that evry man should have a business of some kind, that would provide the necesities of life. To me the idea of working for somebody, year in and year out was the gaul of bitterness to me, which I considered little better than abject slavery. I believed that there was a place, or opertunity provided for evry one that is born into the world, to do and to dare individualy for themselvs, and I was detirmined to fill my place if it was in the bounds of possibility. The acquiring of a yoke of oxen was onley an available means to an end. This kind of locomotion was entirly too slow for my ideas of "get there eli", and I was full of plan to acquire horses. I think that my ideals in this direction was just a little to high for my perminent advancement. I just couldent wait for them to come as they could, economicaly, but I must force them along. Having acquired the oxen, the next move was a wagon, and I got that it onley stimulated me to get the horses, which I did by trading the oxen for one, and buying another, going in debt for the wagon, and extra horse. My belief in my ability to pay for all that I bought, was to say the least of it rather extravigent. That I did pay for evrything that I bought stands to my credit, but I had a hard scuffle of it. Most of my indebtedness had to be met just before the war broke out, which was the hardest monitary collapse that the country ever saw.

If one could look just a little into the future, the human family would be saved from many hardships, and yet there are conditions that followin the wake of our mistakes that we would not change if we could, and I suppose that it is this that is responsible for the doctrine of "fatalism" or what is to be wil be inspite any effort on our part to change or controll our course in life.

I came up up to the middle of my 23{rd} year without any serious intentions in the direction. I will not deny that I had an abiding willingness in the direction of matrimony. I will not deny that I had an abiding willingness in that direction, but recognizing the responsibilities that married life would entail. I had been content to wait till I had acquired enough money, or property to mete them comfortably.

Sometimes unexpected events confront us in a way that our whole course of life, as laid out by us is changed, which hapened to me in a way that I could not resist the responsibility of going forward in the pathe that was suggested.

While in school a very warm attachment had sprung up between myself and one of the female schollars, which eventualy developed in to a bad case of, what is termed love. She was six years younger than I was, but she was developed beyond her age. We had fully agreed to marry when I should be able to provide a home for us. Her mother had been an invalid for several years, and we knew that she could not live, coincidently the two families had ample time to prepare for the inevitable. Her death occured in March of 1859. In passing I will say that Mrs Brown and my mother were fast friends. They were intimately in harmony in religious matters, and in fact in all relations of life. It was expected that the old man would marry again as soon as decency would permit. The oldest daughter Mary was to be married in a short time, and that would leave Nannie and a little girl in the home, and Mary was not willing for them to assume that responsibility, and insisted that we Marry when she did and remaine with the old gentleman till he should make some arraingements for the future. Mary was to marry a very rich man, and Nannie a very poor one, but most radical changes, financialy occured in after life.

On the 27{th} day of April 1859, a double wedding occured at the residence of Dannie H. Brown. On account of the recent death of the mother, the weding was a verry quiet affare, no one being present but the preacher, and his wife, and the member s of the two families. It was six oclock PM when the momentous event occured an event that entirely changed the trend of our lives, and started us four young people on a carear of matrimonial partnership, that while not conspicuous for great accomplishments as the world would call it, there was great change in conditions, and for us, places of residence. We were sometimes in at the floodtime of events and many times far out with the tide. B.P. Lewis died when he was about 60 years of age, and his wife Mary still survives, but is wholly dependent upon friends for support, and maintenance.

We onley made a mistake in that I was not financialy prepared for the responsibilities of a married life, and my wife was too young and inexperienced to assume maternal responcibilities, but having an intuitive disposition, she rapidly acquired what she should have know{n} beforehand. But I now think that it was alright anyway. Inspite of all of the visisituds, and disappointments we have both lived to a good old age, and that is more than most of our friends have done, who started with us on lifes fitful journey

Chapter II

Marriage brings romance first, which is more or less intense, according to the temperment of the contracting parties, and its continuance, and endurance, is largely governed by the situation, and opertunities of the victimes. In our case our opertunities were very limited. There was no wedding tour for us, save a few dinners at the houses of relatives, in the immediate neighborhood, which consumed about a week, and then to business. We both had much to lern and we lerned it in the hardest way possible. I had a crop already in, and of course my immediate attention was needed, and as my wife (girl wife I should say) had to take charge of the home, and do the things that had been done by an older head. I took an inventory of my indebtedness, and the assets that I had to meet it, and found that the former was in excess of the possibilities of the latter, but I was young and full of optimism, and I took hold with a detrimination to winn out in the end. of course the inevitable happened, in a little over a year a boy was born unto us. That event was not expected so soon, but it did happen, and we had to accept and make the best of it. That would not have been so bad if the same thing had not happened again in a little over a year, when a little sister came to visit the brother, but as they were both very proper specimens of the human race, we concluded that it was about the proper thing to have one of each gender, we agsain accepted the responsibilities, and went forward in the line of duty. As before hinted this was the hardest year that this country had ever seen, but inspite of the financial straits of the country, I succeede{d} in getting out of debt, and laid up provisions for another year, so that I commenced the business of 1862 with bright prospects for the future. But I have learned several times, by bitter experience, that in this life one never knows what is before them. In life, as in nature, the day dawns bright, and balmy, but closes cold and stormy.

Factional mutterings between the north and the south had at last culminated in actual war, and by the first of July, much blood had been spild, and it was evident that there was more to come. The first proposition was that none but the younger men would be called upon to go to war, and I had not felt it to be my duty to enlist, but a raid into our river town, which destroyed much property, called for a new suming up of the situation, which resulted in the conclussion for us farmers to go ahead, and raise produce to be carried of{f} by the gorrilas, to support the southern army. It was argued and conceeded by evry one, that it was the duty of evry able bodied man to keep the war on southern soil.

The raid refered to was a band of gorrilas organized across the river in KY and led by one Adam Johnson. This band thogh insignificant in numbers, succeede{d} in surprising our river town, Newburgh, and besids carrying off much valuable property, captured a government hospital, and a lot of muskets, parolled the soldiers, and escaped across the river unharmed in any way. This raid had been planed by two citizens of the town who were running a sawmill in what was known as the Greenbriar hills, across the river, both of whom were killed by the citizens, one that evening, and the other the next day. This rade was worth a great deal to the government in recruiting new regiments for the army, under the calls of three hundred thousand more troops. The excitement caused by this rate was so great that more than the quoto for Ind{iana} and Ill{inois}was raised at once, and hurried across the river. Men with famalies now came forward, and offered their services. Some who were near the age limit for military duty were enlisted. I attended a meeting held near my home, not with any serious intention of enlisting, for I did not think that the inniatory step staht finally made me a soldier, which I fully realized the next day. The influence that urged me on was most substle, and overpowering, which evry one who has gone through with it fully understand.

Throgh its recruiting officers, the Government made very flattering offers to the recruits as to what privilegs would be granted in settling up ones business, and private affares, but in our case our immediate services were indispensable, but we would be allowed to return ion a short time, or as soon as we could subdue the armed forces across the river, which was still quite demonstrative, besids we were promised that the war would soon be over, as the new levy 300,000 when mustered in, would so discourage the rebels, that they would be willing to quit. We were assured that we would be at home in time to raise the next crop. While that clause that made our enlistment three years, or during the war, did not sound incouragingly, we construed that part of it as a kind of a scare crow, to be flaunted in the faces of the rebels. Suffice it to say that some never got home to fix up their business, and none under three months. As I have before stated, we were hurried into camp at Evansville and mustered as quickly as possible, and arms placed in our hands and in a few days we were hurried across the river, and in less than three weeks we were fighting the Gorrilas near Madisonville, some forty miles south of the Ohio river.

There are two obligations that men may take upon themselves, that are considered very binding: one is civil and very solemn, to which onley two parties are imenible, the other is heroic and considered very patriotic. The governemnt of ones country is the central figure, and has unlimited power to inforce its contracts, and demands. It is claimed, and it is true, that one owes alegiance to the government under which he lives, and it is suposed that that alegiance is paramount, to which all other alegiances are secondary. But where a man has marraied a loving wife, who has born for him of{f}springs, that he is in duty bound to suport and has obligations to family to care for. Take the two propositions now, and weigh them, as the soldier had to do, and say where the line of duty begins, and where it ends. I think that this was the tightes{t} proposition that I ever had to meet, and I will at this late date confess that I have never been able to decide that matter satisfactorialy as it relates to my own case, but will admit that I may be a little selfish in my conclussions.

To the man that makes up his mind to be a soldier from choice he is prepared to submit to the most streneous conditions, but to the man that goes out in the defense of his country, under stress of great National peril, he is quite prone to resent what he considers undue famaliarity with his personal priveleges. For instance, when the government insisted on striping us to the skin in order that some fop of a doctor might make a personal examination of evry part of our anatomy, we naturaly felt that we were being imposed upon, and we had no personal right that we could defend without orders from our superior officers. We did not as yet understand that it was our duty to obey orders, and ask no questions. Just think of John Doe, a respectable farmer, and unquestion{ed} athority on all import and questions that are paramount in a civilized community having to submit to the orders, and opinions of some young upstart, who had been luckey enough to be permitted to put on shoulderstraps, and command his superiors in age, and experience. When I realized that I was no longer J B Carter, farmer and a respectable citizen of the commonwealth of the state of Ind, I set about adjusting myself to the new environments, and made up my mind to make the best of evrything, and get all the good ou of the new situation that individual effort could command. I soon learned that as compared with the majority oif the men enlisted in the company, my ability, and qualifications were far above the average, and I concluded to take a noncommission, and get in line of promotion,and wait for opertunities to advance, and accordingly I was mustered in as 3{rd} duty sergeant, which kept me out of the rank and file of the company,and gave me a small degree of authority which in a short time increased beyon{d} my expectations.

Our first fighting experience occured, as I have before mentioned, about two weeks after our enlistment, when we made a forced march of more than forty miles into the interior, to a little town called Madisonville. It was now about the 20{th} of August, and of course very hot. We had not yet learned to acconimise in the matter of clothing equipment, and evry man was loaded with nonessentials.

This was the onley time that I had to march, and cary a gun, and 60 rounds of amunition, buckled onto my person, the old feeling of soreness, and exaustion apparently is present with me.

We did not know that we were playing soldier at the time, and that the officers were trying to glorify themselves as great commanders and I rather think that they did not realy realize the insignificance of the display that they were making. Our approch to the town was very slow, and exausting, and I may say very humiliating afterwards when we found how insignificant the opposing forces were, which were composed of a few hundred marauding gorrilas, who would fire upon our advance comum from an ambush, and hold it, and watch our command form a line of battle, and when it moved forward, the enimy would retreat, and attack in the same way at the first opertunity that a favorable position offered. Our command consisted of our regiment, 1,000 strong, a battalion of the 4{th} Ind{iana} cavelry, and a section of artillery. It will suffice to say that we finaly took the town, without any casualties on either side, and the onley trop{h}ies that we could claim was a few honery prisnors, which were paraded arou{n}d with great pomp and circumstance. The loss occasioned by this foolish display did not appeare with the taking of the town, inside of ten days, on behalf of the command was in the hospital, as a result of the heat and exaustion of our first march, and first battle. I do not remember just how long we remained in the town of Madisonville, not more than three weeks I think, during which time we were kept under arms, almost day and night, by the gorrilas firing upon our picket lines, many of whom were citizens and living in the town, but would slip through our lines at night, and get in their work, many times with serious effect. The enimy threatened our communication with our base a{t} Henderson to the extent that we were compelled to retreat. When the orders were given that on the following day we would march back to our base, there were some mild evidences that a panic might insue.

As an evidence of the insecurity felt by the men, I will relate a small incided that occured in my seargents divission of the company. A majority of our men were members of the church, and most of them mildly religious. Of course there would necessarily be a few cranks, who depended upon the lord to extrecate them from evry unpleasent condition or circumstance. About three of these fellows came into the tent, and requested me to let them hold a prayer meeting in our (Bell) tent. I asked them to explaine why they wanted to pray at that particular time, and they explained that inasmuch as we were compelled to retreat before a powerful enimy, the mercy and protection of the Lord should be invoked. I said to them that of course they could hold the meeting, but I wanted to remind them that if they got safely out of the present dilema, which I did not consider very serious, they would have to fight if necessary, and that the "Lord" would not protect them from any stray bulletts that the enimy might send after them. That if they had seettled these important matters with their maker, they had better go out to some private retreat, and do so at once, and then come back, and discharge their duties as soldiers. They held the meting, and some of them prayed long and loud for the necessary protection. I will say that to my certain knowledge, that some of these fellows limped out a discharge in a very short time, and one of them were dismissed from the hospital for stealing from sick soldiers, but they served their maker without ostentation.

The braking up of a camp under streneous circumstances, is always atended with more or less excitement, and loss. The soldier unloads all excess bagage, and military pharaphanalia, and prepares for vigerous, and quick marching. We were odered to stow away five days rations in our haversacks, which have a capacity for abou three, and when I say to you that an unexperienced soldier will consume his five days rations in two days it is putting the suggestion mildly, which was practcaly realized before we reached our base of suplies.

We had to march 44 miles, which we expected to do in two days but on account of the persisted interfearence of the third day, while we had but one contact with the enimy that would be a real fight, we had many delays, which was entirely precautionary. In the fight refered to quite a number of the soldiers in one company (H) were seriously wounded, and had to be left at a village nearby. After dark of the second day we arrived at the village of Cairo, 8 miles west from Henderson, foot sore, and discouraged. The five days rations had disappeared form the most of the haversacks, and the soldier that had a piece of meat, and a hardtac was considered a luckey boy. When a soldier is tired out from long marching and when he is ordered to go into camp, his first act is to sleep, and he usualy stacks his gun, and streches himself on the ground, and in an incredbly short time, he is obliveous to all of his surroundings.

My disposition was was always frugal, and I alowed nothing to get away from me that might contribute to my comfort. In passing through the abandoned camp I observed that much rations had been thrown on the ground, amoung which was a thin slab of bacon, about the size of a saddle flap, and it at once occured to me that it was a prety good thing to take care of, and I took it to the company wagon and dug down amoung the kettles and pans, and hid it. When we got to Cairo I looked around for something to eat, instead of going to sleep. I did not go far till I runup against the commissary sergant, who wanted something to eat. I informed him that I had secreted a good piece of bacon in our wagon, which I hoped that no one had discovered. He said that he thought he had a few crushed crackers in his wagon, that he would go and get, while I searched for my bacon. Well he found his crackers, and I secured my bacon, and in a short time we had a feast of hot coffee, crackers and bacon. I have found that the quickes{t} way to arrouse a tired, sleeping soldier, is the smell of hot coffee, and the frying of bacon, and in a short time we were surrounded by a hord of hungry soldiers, eagerly inquiring, "where we got it".

When we arrived at our old camp neare Henderson, we felt that we had pulled off a great military stunt, and were fully entitled to the name "soldiers". We now settled down to real camp life, which we improved by drilling the regiment, and preparing it for active service. I had picked up considerable knowledge for the military tactics while a member of the homegards, and was about the best drilled man in the company,and was at once assigned to the squad drill manuvers. Furloghs were now granted to a small number of the soldiers, first to the ones that could present the best argument for a preference. We had not been in camp but a few weeks till my company was assigned to provo duty, with hedquarters in town. At first the company was quartered in the courthouse, but afterwards in an abandoned brick residence near the court house, which we called "Johnson's castle". There were many fireplaces inthe old building, and we were made reasonably comfortable. It finaly came my turn to receive a furlogh, of about a week, to go home and fix up my little afares. I received the much covited oder late one evning, and as the time was short I felt I must improve evry hour. I therefore crossed the river, and marched home afoot. Some 30 miles, which I covered by four oclock the next morning. I think that it was the most dreary march that I ever made. The neighbors turned out and helped me to gather, and market my corn, and fix up other matters. I think I worked very hard evry hour of my stay, and my time was out all too soon. I will state here that my wife did not keep house while I was in the army, but lived with KY people, and those of her own side of the house. I got back to camp a little ahead of time, which I always did when granted a leave of absence.

In our new position we were made quite comfortable, but our duties were very exasuting. Besids guarding prisnors we had to guard the entire city, performing all of the duties that a police force usually perform. Many of our men were on duty continuously, and all evry other day, which included the night, with very little sleep.

The seargents were in command of all of the forces evry third day and during the 24 hours he was the most important official in town. He was not onley held responsible for the prisnors, which run all the way from 25 to a hundred. If any man escaped while he was on duty, he was reduced to the ranks, which occured once.

but the victim was reinstated after a time, but never got any higher. Our prisnors were gorrillas, and marauders, and when we increased the number to about an hundred, we transfered them to Sanduskey, and Collumbus Ohio. On account of the hard duty that we had to perform, the winter passed slowly, and we sometimes envied the other companies, who were in camp near the town. In the matter of escaping prisnors I will mention one incident, with which I was individualy concerned. It was well along in March 1863, and we had about 80 gorrillas, who were about the worst characters that we had ever guarded, and when I came on duty, I made up my mind to give them my personal attention, more than ever before. I visited the prison about 5 oclock and found the guards all in place, and apparently very watchful, but I found an expression on the faces of the prisnors that I did not like, and I called to the corporal of the guard, and cautioned him to watch closely till I returned. I ran across the street to my quarter, and secured my navy revolver, and ran back to the prison, throgh the center of which I cleared a passage, and ordered the prisoners not to approach me. I remained in this position till 2 oclock AM, when a corporal came on, whom I could trust. The balance of the night passed without incident. I had ordered the men all to lie down in their places, and the corporal kept them there till day light. I made my report and was quite pleased to turn over to my successor the same number of men that I had received, and retired to my bunk to sleep, from which I was awaked by the seargent that had succeeded me who informed me that I had lost a prisnor. In passing I will state that Hickam was quite jubilent over the fact as it then appeared that he was the onley seargent that had not lsot a prisnor. When the facts were looked into, it appeared that Seargent Colvin had received a prisnor just before turning over his command to me, and had not reported him to me on his report, which I made out for him. No one could tell how the man got away or find any possible way for his escape. Of course there was quite an uproar in camp. The Col (Foster) ordered myself, and guards, with captain to report at headquarters. The captain got into a quarrel over an old order, that we supposed was obsolete, and we were excused, and ordered to our quarters, which we lost no time in obeying, leaving the capt and the Col to fight it out, which they did with much harsh language, and without physical damage to to either, but this little incident was very mild indeed, compared to that which occured the next morning. I remember that it was a very rainey wet morning, and I slept beyond my usual time, but was awaked by my relyable corporal coming into my room. I could always tell when corporal Waldon had something of importance on his mind, and I onley waited for him to spit a few times, till I asked him what he had to communicate, which he answered by saying that Hickam had losed seven men last night. I got into my clothes as quickly as possible, and hurried to the courthouse where I found Hickam pacing on the outside, and to my hail as to the facts in the case, hew said that if he had had the money he would have been on his way to Canady. He declared that he had not slept a wink that night, but stood guard most of the time himself. We had never given Collins, who succeeded Hickman, credit for any agressive penitrating stunts, and expected of him nothing new in developing this mysterious escape, but he surprised us all when he rearranged conditions in the prison, so that he uncovered a hole in the floor, through which escape{e}s had made their way to the lower story, and then out at a back door, that fastened on the inside with a bolt, and this door was suposed to be kept bolted, no attention was paid to it. When the Col looked at the hole in the floor, he admitted that the hole was sufficient to fool the best of guards. The intention on the part of the prisnors was to all get away while I was on duty, but were prevented from carrying out their plan, fully as intended, by my personal vigilance. We were much pleased over being releaved from sevier criticism on the part of the Col as it appeared to us but when we were ordered to camp, and another company had taken our place, we felt that our commanding officer had not disclosed fully his opinion of us as guards, but we had been provo guards about long enough and that a change was not onley good for us, but absolutely necessary for our development as good agressive soldiers.

During the winter the famalies, and friends of the company visited us qite often, and brought with them much good food. During Christmas we were bountifully remembered. Most of the friends and family could reach us in a days journey, with a good horse or team. My wife came many times, and on one occassion went out into the country, and visitied with her uncles, and cousins, on her mother's side, but I could not accompany her, as the country was over run with gorrillas, in a small way, and of course they would not have neglected an opertunity to even up with us for having imprisoned some of their number.

With the opning of spring, there was evidence of much military activity on the part of the western army, which was demonstrated to us by vast flotilas of soldiers down the Ohio river. These men were to compose Grant's army, with which he captured forts Henry and Donalson, and about this time roomers were afloat as to what part we were to play in the great military dramma, in process of formation. We were finaly advised, officially that we were to be mounted, not as cavalry, but mounted infantry, but would be assigned to a cavalvery brigade. This order was received with much satisfaction. A large majority of our regiment was composed of farmer boys who had almost grown up on horseback. "Creter back" as the southerners put it. The captain sent me to draw a horse for each of us, with orders to select bay mares, and to be particular to select square trotters. The officers of the companies were to have first choice, and there was little difficulty in selecting just about what he wanted. The captain was well pleased with my selection, but of course was to get the choice of the two, and got the best of me in the matter of gate, in that his horse was a very mild trotter, while mine would make the most radical couboy wince. Suffice it to say that we were soon mounted, and required to acquire some military stunts in marching formation.

A soldier can never make any permanent calculation on what he might not do. I think that it was on sunday in the latter part of March. The Capt had ordered company inspection of our horses and equipments, and we were busy preparing for it, when an order came to us to be ready to march in an hour, but it was about two oclock befoe we were ready to mount. We were then informed that we were to make a forced march to Madisonville, forty four miles distant, and reinforce a company of our regiment stationed there, and that we must cover that distance by 8:30 PM. The horses being rested, as well as the men we left camp on the jump, but after the first ten miles had been passed we sobered down to a trot, and when we had put twenty miles behind us, we would have been better satisfied with a fast walk, but the capt with his easy trotter kept us moving somewhat faster. When we had measured off thrity miles the starch was all taken out of us, and we sat on our horses like stuffed toads, with our feet rattling in oiur stireps, and our horses were about as limp as we were. Still on, on we had to go. Occasionaly we would strike a rough peice of road, that compeled us to slow down to a walk, but when we had passed it to better roads, the capt would strike a trot again on his easygoing "criter". We could tell when the trot was coming long befoer it struck us and it was not onley painful but somewhat amusing to see the men prepare for the shock, by humping themselves in their saddles. To relieve themselves, many of the boys owuld spread their blankets in their saddles, which onley made the matter worse, after a time. It is needless to say that they never did that again on the march. We learned that a smothe surface, for long riding, is much the best. Well, we got there, not exactly on time, but within a half hour of it, and found the garrison profoundly sleeping, and then we were mad over the fact that we had been needlessly punished.

Some of the men had to be helped from their horses, and the best of us were hardly able to crawl to a place where we could lie down. It would have been a very lame fight that we would have put up if there has been a necesity for it. It required about three days for us to recuperate, and get ready for efficient duty. The scare all grew out of a few gorrillas passing through the country, which had the effect to scare the capt of the company out of the little wits that he had.

The company (H) was ordered back to Henderson, and I do not think that it was ever intrusted with any important position. Our comapny (E) remained and did post duty, and scouting untill about the middle of August. We were able to secure an abandoned house for our quarter, and stables for our horses, and on the whole were very comfortably situated for soldiers. The captain made me forage master, which with scouting kept me in the saddle nearley all of the time. We had a few small skirmishes, without casualties to our forces, but some damage to the enimy, with killed and wounded. The inhabitance were largely union, and we became quite intimate with them, Gen Shacklford's family resided here, whom we long remembered, and the family manifested a very warm feeling for us. I did much scouting and was favored by the capt with many important forras.

Sometime in June I was promoted to the position of orderly sergt., to take the place of the old one, who was reduced to the ranks. I had been recomended for the position of 2d lieutenant early in the spring, which the col of the regiment overuled in favor of another seargent. The new position was mine by right of my influence over the men, by reason of my constant care of their intrest. The real facts are that the capt always took me into confidence in regard to the management of the company, in making promotions he would consult me about the capabilities of aspirants.

About the time of my promotion, I was granted a furlogh to visit my home, in consiquence of the furlogh of my brother, who enlisted in the 1st Ind Cav in 1861, but I was admonished by the Col to return as soon as possible, as there would be movements of importance in a short time, and that my company would need me in preparing for them. Nothing of material importance occured until the latter part of June, when John Morgan made his celebrated rade into KY, which was finaly extended into Ind. and Ohio. The papers kept us advised as to his movements, and we expected that if he was not checked and turned back, we would be called on to joine our opposing forces. Military orders always come on the spur of the moment as ours did in this case, which occured about the 29{th} day of June.

While we were expecting that we might be called on to march, we supposed that we would be given time to make some preparation, in the way of rations, and some equipment. Emagin our disappointment, when in the afternoon we received orders to mount our horses, and march immediately to a town called Charlston on Greenriver, some forty miles distant, fifty miles more properly, we were not allowed time to prepare ration, more than we could pick up and put into our pockets, a few hardtac at most, nothing but our guns, horses and amunition were to go. In less than two hours we were off, and there was nothing slow about our going. We were advised that we would meet the Col, and the ballance of our regiment at Charlston. All night we marched, we had to cross a small river, which occassioned considerable delay. It was ten oclock before we reached our destination. Neither our horses had anything to eat since noon the day before, and there is not strength enough in the english language to tell how hungry and tired we were. We finaly got a bite to eat in some way. After a short rest I was ordered to report to the Col, who ordered me to take half dozzen men, and proceed to Bowles ferry, but to divide my men at a certain point, by sending two of them across the river and have them meet me at the ferry, and after ferrying them across, destroy the boat, but to destroy any kind of water craft that I might find upon the river. I think that it was 12 oclock when we reached our destination. Some twelve years before, as a boy, I had crossed here at this place, and possibly int eh same boat. My men on the other side of the river had not yet arrived. The men that were with me fell asleep at once, and I had not the heart to insist that they rather than myself, keep watch, and I had hard work to arrouse them when our comrads hailed us from t he opposite shore. When we had gotten them over our orders were to destroy the boat, but we had nothing to do it with, we failed to find even an ax at a house nearby, but the next morning we succeeded in scuttiling the boat, and turned it loose which we considered a very foolish thing to do, as the boat was too small to ferry an army across, and a small detachment would not hesitate to swim their horses, as the river is very narrow, but deep. Military orders sometimes appear to be very foolish and I pressume are in many cases under the light of subsiquent developments. For instance, the Col ordered me, that in the event that Morgan should appear at my point of observation, to fight him, and send a courier at once to him. The idea of eight ment fighting Morgan semed very absurd to me. The more sensible order would be to fire and skedadle to the rear. Two days after we had destroyd our boat, we received oders to cross the river at once and meet the command at Hartford, but how, our boat was gone. The captain had struck the river some eight miles above us where there was a small ferry boat, but instead of destroying it as we had done, bored holes in the bottom, and submerged it in a slough, which was easily raised and caulked, and made servicable, and he ordered me, if I had destroyed my boat to march up the river and cross it in his boat. When we arrived we found that the captasin's command had long since departed for Hartford, whom we followed as quickly as possible. When we arrived in Hartford we found that the entire command had gone onto Owensboro on the Ohio river, after having partaken of a sumptuous dinner, provided by the citizens who were nearly all union, of course. We had ridden all day without anything to eat, and of course were ravenously hungry, but found little to eat, the troups ahead of us having devowerd evrything but as few scraps, which we devowrd with becoming avidity, and systamatic relish. After giving our horses food, we mounted and followed the command which we overtook sometime after nightfall, in camp for the night. The entire command, like us, had broke camp so sudently, that no provission, was made for rations, and we had to depend on the people for food, which they gladly furnished.

We celebrated the 4{th} of July in the saddle, and while on the march we witnessed a very curious phenomony in the elements. The entire country was covered with a blue haze, that shut out the natural light of the sun. That orbe appearing like a ball of fire. My recolection is that there was not sufficient to make a shaddow. This condition causing much comment by the people all over the country, and many regarded it with much superstition. There were great military events transpiring, but we did not know it at that time.

We did not know that the battle of Gettysburge was being fought, and that Vicksburg had surrenderd. When we did get the news we were greatly rejoyced, and believed thast the war coould not last much longer.

We were ordered to march at 4 oclock, the next morning so that we could reach Owensboro for breckfast, where we were assured that we would find rations. We were not permitted to remain long at Owensboro. Boats were at the landing ready to take us up the river to Cincinnati, and on up the river if needed to intercept Morgan who was now well up in Ohio, but we did not get further than Louisville. News met us here that Morgan had been corraled, and we were not needed, and our boat turned about, and steamed for Henderson. When we got to Rockport Ind we were allowed to disembark, with our horses nad march overland throgh Warrick county, and disband for a few days, so that the boys could visit their homes. It was known by our officers that we would soon be attached to Burnsids East Tenn campaighn, and it would be a long time, if ever that we see home again. When I arrived at home I found that my brother-in-law, Frank Brown was a corpse in the old home, he having died on a transport near Vicksburgh. I think that we were permitted to stay home three or four days. At any rate the time was all too short to make us feel good.

Two days march landed us at our old camp at Madisonville, where we had left our camp equippage, in care of the sick and infirme who were greatly chagrined when they learned that we had been home. We were now in a fever of expectation, and dread, as I before said it was generally understood that we were sure to march.

By this time we had learned to pay little attention to camp rumors, we had to be shown before we would believe, anything as to marching, but the fact that our horses were being shoed, and other small preperations going on all of the time, indicated to us that there would be something doing. Members of the company that had been on detached duty in hospitals, and clerical work reported to the company for duty, but could give no reason for their sudent coming. Of course the officers were not telling it around that there was going to be a great movement in the direction of the enimies country.

I do not remember the exact date that we got our marching orders, but I think that it was the first days of Sept 1863. The order came as sudently as did the other. But this time we were to take evry man and all of our belongings. Our line of march was prety much the same that we had passed over int eh Morgan rade, and we were to go to Hartford, where the regiment would meet us and reorganize. The entire regiment had not been in the same camp for about 9 months, having been scattered over the southwestern part of KY, doing post duty. We marched liesuraly, knowing that we were nearer our rendezvous than most of the regiment, in which we were right, as we were the first arrivals. It was about a week before the ballance of the regiment reported. Company H, as usual, was the last one to show up. A part of the 4th Ind Cav was was still with us, also our section of artillary, maned by a detailo from our regt, and commanded by Lieut Hammond of our company E. An inefectual effort in the direction of re-equipment was attempted here, but we were finaly ordered to march to Glasco, where our brigade would be organized, and all equipped togather. The march to Glasco was accomplished on the morning of the second day, possibly the third day having lost my diary, I can not be specific as to time and dates. It was here that we had our first experience in any considerable military organization. Our brigade as organized consisted of the 65{th} mounted infantry, The 4{th} Ind Cav, The 14{th}Ill Cav, and the 8th Tenn Cav. In the organization of new commands there is always more or less confusion. Up to this time our soldiers had not attained to that efficient rediness that charactorized our armies later on in our war experience. We had made very little hedway in the direction of efficient military equipment, when we were ordered to march south throgh Cumberland county to the Cumberland river. The line of march was all the more interesting to me from the fact that it was the same road that we had traveled over, when we removed from KY to IND some 12 years before, and we would probably pass throgh some of the country where I had spent my boyhood, I would also pass the residence of my great grandfather, before mentioned in this record. Of course the grandfather was dead, but the old house remained. There had been so many changes that I did not recognize the place till we had arived at the "crick" where we had stoped to feed. While the command was watering I got permission to go back, and make a reconoissance, and find if any of my ancesters remained. A new long {log?} house had been built since I had seen the place, on the opposite side of the road. A man about 60 years of age was sitting on the porch, and arranged in front of him was a row of nice looking pies, evidently for sale. Answering my inquiry as to his peronality, he informed me he was the youngest son of grandfather Huggins. I then told him who I was, which failed to elicit any comment, and he did not even rise from his seat to greet me, nor did he offer me a pice of pie. I was not slow in discovering that my blue clothes were not the opning sesame to his benevolance, or his social favor, and hurriedly moved on. The captain quizzed me closely as to the experience with my kinfolk, but I did not indulge in any effusive declarations, as to the reception that I received. I had remaining a pretty good opinion of my nativity, and thought and thought taht it was a prety fair country to live in, but the hills seem to have grown higher and the vallies narrower. In fact it did not look like the country that my boyhood had known. I was foolish enough to let it be known that I woul dpass through the place of my nativity, and when we got into it, I was subject to much railry, and lafture from my comrads, some of whom declared jokingly, that it was no wonder that I looked so tough. We camped on the headwaters of Maoorbone creek to gather forage for our horses while we crossed the mountains (Cumberland) which delayed us about three days, but finally got underway, and crossed the Cumberland river at what was know as "Turners" warehouse, by forging the stream. We had crossed the road over which I, when a boy had traveled to mill evry week for several years, with a sack of corn on horseback. Having gotten safely over the river, we camped long enough to feed, and got a bite to eat. In passing through here I saw but one man I had evern known. We resumed our march through Carries Bend and on til late at night before we got to a place that was level enough for a camping ground. We were now in the fooothills of the Cumberland mountains, where there were no roads worthy of the name, and our pioneers were kept busy clearing the way so that our teams and artillary could move on. There was no other delay in our marching for two or three days. Till we came to a place in where we had to pass down into a valley of considerable extent, when we found that the road had been blockaded by feling trees across it.

Since I can't recall the name of this valley, I will designate it as "Batey", after Capt Baity, who controlled it, and kept the rebels from foraging in it. My recolection is that it was about three miles long, and from one to two miles wide. The soil was very fertile and the people quite prosperous, in their way. Evry man in it was a spldier for that particular part of the country, and obeyed the orders of the captain with military promptness. There was onley one passable road across the valley, and it was the captains orders that kept this road blockaded, to keep the rebels out. Morgan attempted to rade it in the earley part of the war. Bailey allowed Morgan to go in, and load up, but he did not allow him to take his forage out. Morgan was glad to get out with his command, and leave his forage. I do not think that any force ever tried to forrage the valley again. Our government did not recognize Baities forces as regular soldiers, but did not interfear with him in anyway. Our column was fired upon at one point by Baities men, but did no damage. I don't think that they intended to do so, but wanted us to know they were "tahr". Out of this valley we climbed to "Jimtown" which is situated on a level platue, on the summit of the Cumberland mountains. The town is a small village of about three hundred I judged (when everyone was at home.) The houses were all made of pine logs. The soil is a sandy loam and is very poor. It was here that we met the main army, mostly infantry, which had assended the mountain by the way of "Big crick Gap". We onley remained her long enough for the straglers to get in, when the entire army moved forward in the direction of Kingston, on the Tenn river. It was now down grade and we moved forward as rapidly as the mountain roads would permit. The second day we arrived at an old town called Scyola, which is situated in the foothills of the coumberland mountains. While on the summit we experienced sevier frost which occured on or about the 30{th} of Agust, which which was quit sevier in most of the northan and northwestern states. During the summer many of the men had provided themselve with linnin dusters, which on account of the hurried daparture they had not been able to replace with hevy winter clothing.

We were in a country where much dry fuel could be had, and we kept up good fires during the night, and were kept active enough to keep warm during the daytime.

At Scyola our brigade was detached from the main army, and ordered to make a forage march to Knoxville, and save a large amount of forage that was supposed to be stored there. We had some artillary and of course all were mounted, and we were able to make 20 miles per day, which was considered very good considering the roads over which we had to march. We encountered no enimy, and we thought it was strange that we did not do so, as we were well into what was known as the southern confederacy.

The second of September was a redletter day for us. About two oclock we assended a low range of hills, southwest of Knoxville, and as we neared the summit, we noticed that an officer sat on his horse and was talking to the soldiers as they came up, but as there semed to be no response, from them we were curious to know what it ment, but when we came up soon found out. Knoxville lay out before us in the valley below us, and bout two miles away and from the houses floated the stars a stripes. There must have been at least one fourth of the houses that had this glorious emblem floating over them. It was well that the officers cautioned us to refraine from any demonstration, otherwise there would certainly have been a wild roar of applause. We had come down here with arms in our hands, and our banners flying to fight our enimies, and before us in the bright sunlight floated before us the most wonderful display of the national banner that we had ever beheld. Our regiment being in the rear of the column that day, we were slow in getting into town. When the column halted we were in the suburbs, close to us was a neat little cottage with a nice flag waving over us. I asked the lady if they had prepared all those flags for our reception. She said no, we did not know of your coming till we saw your column coming over the ridge younder, and then we were not sure that it was the federals, but thought that it might be the rebels trying to fool us into making a demonstration, and then punish us for it. She said that the flags had been made during the campaign of 1860, and had been kept hid away.

She said that she did not know how the others had kept theirs, but she had hidden hers in the featherbed. This sudent display of flags must have been as great a surprise tot he rebel citizens as they were to us.

We were informed that they had missed the rebel soldiers since morning, but supposed that they were off on a scout, and would be back in their places at night. They had not left much in the way of army suplies for us. The sun was about an hour high when we entered the city, and the evning shaddows were soon upon us. We camped on the streets that night, and could see evrything that went on. Just after dark I noticed that a bright light had sudenly sprung up on the brow of a high ridge about two miles away, and I enquired of a citizen what it ment, and he informed me that it was the signell that you soldiers are here. He said for me to watch and I would see others, and I did, further and further away for a distance of thrity miles or more, and I found that the mountaineers had a code of lights to be displaded to denote the presence of either army. About 9 oclock the first delegation from the country arrived, and was kept up all night, and all of the next day, till the city was denseley crowded with citizens, and soldiers. They not onley came, but they brought the best that they had to eat with them, and we were feasted on evrything that good cooks could prepare, which was luckey for us, as we had very little in the way of rations. The union sentiment was so strong in East Tenn that the rebels did not dare to forage off of them to any great extent, and the country was full of the products of the soil. Little did these good people think that in six months they would be in destitute circumstancies, and many of them actualy begging for bread, and in many instances the soldiers were able to divide their scanty rations with the hungry citizen. The next day my company was sent to Mayrysville to capture some rebel comisaries, and while passing under a clift, saw a mans head sticking out of a hole in the rocks, who after viewing our column for a time till he could see our flage rased the yell, and tumbled out of the hole, followed by several others. These men were in hiding, and did not know of our presence in the country.

The foregoing instance was onley one of the many such all over East Tenn. Those who could not get across the mountains into KY, hid them in caves, and mountain gorges in the daytime, and bush whacked the rebels at night, when there was an opertunity afforded.

We remained in camp near Knoxville about ten days, as I recall it when the army moved up the valley towards Verginia, passing throgh Newmarket, and for a time stoping at Greenvill, but in a few days continued our march throgh Jonsborro, Blountville, and on to Bristol, a town of possibly 1500 inhabitance. The most prominent feature of this town was the fact that main street was the state line between Tenn & Verginia. About the onley thing we found here of value to us, was a large quantity of salt which was the most valuable commercial product in all that country, which the reader will admit, when I say that our boys as high as one dollar a pint for it. The people of the town were allowed to carry off all that they wanted. The salt belonged to the rebel government, and the people could get none of it. Leaving here we marched seven miles into the state of Ver, intending to go onto Abingdon, and distroy the great salt works there. In the afternoon we were ordered to go into camp, which we common soldiers construed as being a little significant, as there were no evidence that there was any formdable force in that part of the country. We noticed that the officers displayed a kind of uncertainty in their movements that indicated to us that there was something doing somewhere. In after years I became intimatly acquainted with a doctor Clark in Iowa, who informed me that we camped on his fathers far, which was a large southern plantation.

After nightfall, we received orders to march the next morning at an earley hour. But where? When the column formed, and faced to the rear we knew that there was something doing, either in our front or the direction of Knoxville, and from the rapid marching that was required of us we redily concluded that conditions in that direction were a little strenuous. We marched all day and well into the night. The dust became so thick that we could scarcely see our file leaders. Horses and men suffered greatly.

After two days, and most of the nights we reached Knoxville, and went into camp for the night, but with orders to be ready to march at an earley hour the next morning. We were promptly in line, but remained so all day, till late in the evning, when a regular autumnal downpore set in, and then we marched, but made little headway, on account of the wagons, and artillary staulding in the mud. I do not think that we made over ten miles that night. The rain was cold, and we were soon soaked to the skinn. It was the most dreary march in all of my experience. The column was halted at 4 oclock and we were orderd to sleep till daylight, but not go from the horses. Most of the men lay down in the mud, over which they spread their oil blankets. The bugle sounded promptly on time, and we were given a short time to prepare, and eat our breckfast, when we again mounted and moved on, to Loudon on the Holton river, which we crossed on a pontoon bridge, and then on, on towards chattanooga, till we arrived at a place called "Sweetwater" where we went into camp, where we quietly remained for about ten days, hoping that we would be permitted to spend the winter there. This is a nice country, and the people, apparently well to do farmers, and the general conditions were quite attractive. As I remember it was now about the first of Nov, and winter would soon be upon us. We had been in the saddle almost continuously since the latter part of July, and we naturly concluded that we were entitled to a rest, but all of our calculations were sudently disipated, when we sudently received orders to march at once, and of course we marched, but it was backwards in the direction of Knoxville. Our forced march to this place was occasioned by the unfortunate results of the great, and unfortunate results of the great, and now historic battle of Chickamoga, and it was originaly intended that we should reinforce the army at Chattanooga, but we were too late, and were halted to await further orders. As usual with us this too seemed to be an emergency hurry call, as we were able to reach Knoxville the next afternoon, and went into camp for the night, but there was unmistakable indication that we would not remain in camp very long.

The next morning we were odered to prepare three days ratons, and ready to march, at any hour that day. There was no intimation as to the direction of our proposed march, but our captain, always a good guesser gave it as his opinion that we would again go up the valley towards Verginia. Just before dark the column was formed consisting of the entire mounted divission, under the command of our Col Foster, acting Brigidier general, and when it was quite dark marchsed out of the city, and up the river, to Strawberry plains and keeping on the left side of the river, to Blins crossroads, and on throgh Beans station, to Rogersville, where the column was halted, for a few hours, when it crossed the Holstine river, and after marching a few miles, the 65 regiment went into camp, forming a guard line around our wagon traine. This movement was supposed to be a secret one, and was intended to place us on the flank of the army that had followed us down to Morristown, where Gen Burnside proposed to meet it, and if possible distroy it. There was no doubt that we would be able to whip the rebel forces, but we wanted to capture and distroy it, hence our movement to get int eh rear of the rebel forces. But Col Foster for some reason onley threw one regiment, the 5{th} Ind Cav across the road, and when Gen Burnside routed the enimie, he was not slow in finding out that there was onley a thin line to oppose his retreat, quickly cut through it, and easily escaped. The fact The fact that Col Foster did not get his stars, led us to conclude that his failure to encumpass the enimy as planed, losted him his coveted promotion.

We followed the rebel forces to Blountsville, where we ingaged it with a sperited battle that lasted all the afternoon. The rebels had the posession of the town, and fought us from the streets, and buildings. Our artillary shelled the town, and finaly set it on fire, and the most of the business section burned up, but we could not afford to let the rebels do anything in that direction.

The rebels held a high range of hills on the right of the town from which they did us so much damage, that it became necessary to disloge them, which was assaulted by Capt Hornbrook with his Co H, who marched his company in solid column and lost many of his Co. In talking with Hornbrook 40 odd years afterwards, he lamented his ignorance of military tactics in making his assault.

He very feelingly declared that if he had thrown out a skirmish line instead of marching against a hidden foe, thereby saving some valuble men. When it was found that Hornbrook was in serious trouble my company was ordered to support him, which we did by marching several hundred yards in his front, and engaged the enimy, with the loss of one of our best young men (George White) who was shot throgh the brain, and died without a struggle. White was our first man to be killed in battle, and his death made a deep impression on the company. He was an onley child of a prominent citizen, who for many years was the onley republican in his township. When we routed the enimy from his vantage ground, we had command of the gap in the mountain, that led to the enemies fort on the railroad, some three miles from the town, and of course the enimyhad to retreat up the valley to Bristol, which they did with much disorder, which was acentuated by a Batalion of Cav who had been concealed in a woods near the town for the purpose of making a charge when the enimy had been routed. I remember that the sun was about an hour high, and from our elevation of several hundred feet we had a splendid view of the battlefield, and of the charging column, and could see our cav cutting down the rebels with their sabers. The charge was kept up till well after dark. We captured about 75 prisnors, who were turned over to our company, to remove to the rear some ten miles to Gen Burnsids headquarters. Our army did not follow the enimy any further, but after distroying the rebel fort, and much of the railroad track. We fell back leisurely towards Knoxville, and finaly halted at Morristown. This movement was made, as we afterwards knew, for the purpose of driving the enimy out of the state, and preparing for the seige of Knoxville, which soon followed.

By this time our horses were quite played out, and one half of the commands were without mounts. At Morristown we learned that the government was driving a herd of wild mules across the mountains with which we were to be suplied with mounts. Before we received our mules, it was apparent to even the private soldiers that our situation was becoming uncomfortbly accute. The rebel forces had got together, and had followed us, and were becoming quite personal in our rear.

When our mules arrived, our dismounted men were odered to carry their saddle equipments tot eh corral, and draw their mounts, which was obeyed with a promptness that indicated that they thought that they would need them. The old soldier invariably gets the best that is to be had, out of any situation, however critical. When all had drawn their mules, some fellow decided that the cerimony of braking should proceed in regular military style, and that the order of mounting should be carried out. The assembly was made in an old wheat field, where the ground was soft, one of the victems mounted a stump, and gave the order to mount, which most of them succeded in doing, but many of them faild to keep their seats, but went headlong to the ground, but htey did not stay there, but were up and on again, and kept at it till mr mule was subdued. The next morning we marched, and kept at it till the following morning. The boys found that they were not yet throgh with mr mule, we passed many of them out in the brush having a private intervue with their mules. When we come to fording the Holstine river, which is very swift, and the bottom is covered with boulders that puzels a sure footed horse to navigate safely mr mule could not be trusted, and had to be led, while the riders got across in canoes, and small boats. To ford any considerable number of troops across one of these mountain rivers is attended is so dificult that much tiem is required. Our old horses had forded so many of these strems that they were quite relyable, but the new mounts rendered our progress very slow, but I do not remember that there was any serious casualities. By noon all were over, and the column halted for a short time at Bean's station for a bite to eat. The place consisted of one large brick house which had been built for a kind of a country inn. It is situated about a mile from Clinch mountain, over which our line of march lay. The energy with which our officers semed to be inspired indicated to us that a considerable number of the enimie was neare by, and that our officers did not want to come in contact with them.

Having given our selves, and horses a bite to eat we mounted, and were soon climbing the mountain. The road up the mountain was an old one, having first been constructed by the earley emigrants from Verginia, and North Carolina. In many places the road had been hewn in the side of the clift, over presipices, and deep gorges hundreds of feet in depth, but the night was very dark, so that we could see very little of these conditions. The assent was attended with so many difficulties, and dangers, that our progress was very slow, and it was daylight before we reached the foothills on the other side, even then we did not find level ground enough to make any kind of a camp on. We stopped here long enough to get a bite for ourselvs and our mules, very little for our mules, and not much for ourselves. From this place we passed over a very mountaneous country, and on the third day, as I remember that we had to move on beyond the town, called Tazwell. This village was built upon the solid rocks. I did not think that enough soil could have been procured to make a respectable a garden. Why a town should have been built here was a puzler to us. I remember that we had to move on beyond the town to find level ground enough to make a camping place, and were we did finally stop, much of the camping grond was too steep, that if two soldiers laid down under one blanket, they would find themselves widely separated before morning. As yet we could onley guess at what we were here for, but old soldiers become good guessers. It was evident that some important moves were going on in the vallies, which we were not able to locate till we heard the canons roaring to the south of us, when we rightly guessed that knoxville was being beseiged. We were finaly ordered that evry man should keep a peck of meal on hands, which we construed to mean, that in the event that Burnsids army should be whipped, we wouold march throgh Cumberland gap, which the boys called a KY scout. Our soldiers were out foraging all the time, which we could do, as we were so well protected by the physical conditions of the country, that no considerable force could reach us, therefore we had little guard duty to perform, and as there was not enough level space for a parade ground we had no drill duties to perform. In fact the situation soon became monotonous. The whole country abounded in little water mills, and we had to go to these to get our peck of corn milled.

The little watermills, that were scattered all over this country, proved a great blessing to us, in grinding our "pecks" of corn. These little mills ground slowley but surely, but not very fine. I remember to have gone very earley one morning, and had to remain all day wihhout food, other than parched corn, and got my grist at sunset. The soldiers got off many jokes about theses little mills. One soldier charactorized them as being very busy little concerns. That just as soon as they got done with one grain,, they hopped right on another. Our camp was about seven miles from Cumberland gap which I had a great desire to view for myself. Most of the command had the same desire, but they said that they would wait til we pulled off the "KY scout". I was not so optomistc about that scout, and one sunday morning I got permission from the commanding officer to make a trip to it, but I could onley get one man to go with me. I have always been glad that I took advantage of the opertunity. For the grand gloomy, and peculiar it exceeds anything I have ever beheld. The posession of this gap had changed twice at least since the beginning of the war. The face of the mountain is several hundred feet high, and almost perpendicular, high up on the face of it is lodged a large canon, which was thrown over by the rebels to keep our forces from capturing it. Around the gap was strewn a number of canons, that had refused lodge. Along the face of the mountain is a level strip of farming land, that semed to be in a good state of cultivation.

All of this time we could hear the boom of canon at Knoxville, but got very little news as to how things were going down there. Just a week after my visit to the gap, on sunday morning, about daylight, there was an uncomon roar of artillary in the direction of Knoxville, which was kept up for over an hour, and then gradualy died away. We could not even guess what the result had been, but bets were made in favor, and agains both armies. We were left in suspence for 24 hours, when a dispatch reached us by the way of Louisville, giving us the news of Burnsids victory over Longstreet and with it an order to march, but where, not through the gap, certainley. As we had little preparations to make we were ready to go the next morning, and were off promptly in the direction of Knoxville. And the KY scout was no longer a possibility. The energy with which the march was conducted indicated to us that there would be something doing in a short time.

Our line of March lay throgh Tazwell, and along a part of the road over which we had marched when we entered the mountains, but finaly changed to a dirct course to Knoxville. We crossed the Clinch river, and on south to the town of Maynardsville, where we went into camp. The weather was butifull, and forage for our horses plenty, and we felt like we would like to stay there indefinitely. But those of us who were called to headquarters for duty, soon discovered that there was a degree of uncertainty about headquarters that indicated a feeling of insecurey. The old soldier learns to diagnose conditions with commendable acuracy, which was realize in this case with a suddenness that took us almost off our feet with a single bound. I remember that the day was balmy, and spring like, and evrything semed to be in repose. In the afternoon a seargent and seven men were called for from my company, and were ordered to patrol the road in the direction of Knoxville. While evrything appeared peacefull and serene, it was evident that our officers were aware of, to us unsene danger. When night came on we were ordered to make many camp fires, but shortly after this oder we were odered to get ready to march at any moment, and to move without making unnecessary noise. This kind of an order we had learned to obey implisitly. Self preservation, even with soldiers is a law of nature that is ever respected, and obeyed. By ten oclock the entire column was in motion, and going, and there was nothing slow about our going, and we did not need any vigerous command to do so. That our situation was dangerous was in the air, and we did not have to be told about it. All night we marched. About daylight we passed thourgh a deep gap in the mountains, in three miles of the ford across Clinch river. Our position was considered impregnable as agains any ordinary force, and our officers felt secure enough to halt, and get breckfast, while our wagon traine was fording the river. We had just drawn our rations of beef, which the men were preparing to cook, when a messinger informed us that our picket in the gap had been driven in, and were falling back on us. Officers and men now realized that our situation was grave, and further preparations for breckfast were abandoned, and the entire command ordered into line of battle.

Our command consisted of about 1,400 men, while joe Wheeler, it was claimed had about 4,000. All that saved us from defeat and capture was the narrowness of the valley. Wheeler could not use more men in his front than we had in ours. All day long we fought the enimy, graduly falling back towards the river. I was ordered to stay close to the battery, and report to the commander when it should fall back, but my oders were changed, and I was ordered to take charge of the horses of the regiment, and keep them safely in the rear of our line of battle, which I succeeded in doing, when the Qartermasterof the 5{th} Ind calv stampeded them by riding along a full gallup to the rear, declaring that the riders of those horses would never mount them again. I succeeded in controlling my own company and held them on that side of the river till night, when my company came in from the mountain side, and mounted them, and was able to cross the river dry shod, while the bal of the regiment had to wade the cold river stream wast deep. When I saw my tired boys fording that cold stream, I felt very proud of what I had done for them, especially when I heard the men in the other companies lamenting that they hadent officers that would look after their welfare in emergencies like this. It is possible that there might have been a different story to relate if we had not been reinforced by a battery planted on the north side of the river, which did effective work, as soon as the enimy came within its range. Late in the evening a regiment of six months Ind troops crossed the river and had some fighting with the enimy. Earley in the fight Wheeler made a calvery charge on our center, seeking to brake our line, which was anticipated and prevented by co A of my regiment being placed in ambush in some buildings on each side of the road. This company was armed with Henry rifles, sixteen shooters, the charging battalion came up in splendid order, but the formation was distroyed when those shooters turned loose on it, and blocked the road with men and horses. The citizens told us the next day that the rebels said that the yanks had the damdest gunns that was ever made, that they stuck their guns through a crack of the fence, and turned a crank and there was no end to the stream of led that was hurled at their column.

The entire command crossed the river, and went into camp, but recrossed the river the next day and followed slowley the retreating enimy. The secret of the whole matter was that Longstreet was retreating up the valley, and wanted to clear his flank from attack by us, and Wheeler was ordered to do this. If he could have captured us, it would have been some compensation for the losses sustained at knoxville. Our side of the battle was well managed, and by officers that had had little experience in the management of battle lines. In this battle the rebels got the worst of it. I know that our losses were very small. We had several cases of cowardice in this fight, that proved very troublsom in after years when the victems applied for pensions.

We did not go back to Menardsville, but turned asside, and sought to get to powderspring gap, to "Beanstation", from which we had marched a few weeks before. the rebels had posession of this gap, and the narrow valley on the west side. Throgh the connivence of the first Lieut who was in command, I came very nearley being captured. My horse had been so baddly skinned in both shoulders, that I had walked much of the time to save her, which the Liut knew. There was a call for 75 men to make a rade across a low range of hills, into the gap, and hold it. The whole sceme was so impractical that the capt detailed to command the column refused to do so, saying that he would not lead the men into such a trap, but he would go with any other officer that was placed in command, which he did under the command of a Lieut of the 5{th} Cave. My Lieut Admire insisted that I should go, and when I remonstrated on the ground of the disability of my mount, he said that I could fall in with the column, and then fall out by the way. I laughed in his face, and said "you will then prefer charges against me". It was known that there would be a promotion soon, and I was in line the plum would come to me, unless I could be disposed of in some way, and Admire having a friend that he wished to fill the position, adopted this plan to get me out of the way, by capture, or otherwise. It is hard to think a soldier would do such a thing.

Of course I fell into line, and took up the line of march with the detail. Being the orderly seargent of the company I was not subject to detail, unless a majority of the company was included. We crossed the mountain over what had once been a road, but it had not been used for years, and had partially grown up with undergrowth so that it was dificult to get along, even on horseback. Just before reaching the valley, we found that we were in close proximity to a rebel camp, but as they had not videtts next to the mountain, we were able to pass around the camp unnoticed by them. When we reached the main road, we left a picket and moved on up the valley, but I was confused, and thought that we had moved down the valley. We passed on without molestation, but found on our return that we had passed a rebel picket, at a church where the road forked. Whether they knew of our presence, and kept quiet, in order that they might bage us later on, we of course could not tell. We moved on cautiously till we reached the gap, and after a short pause moved into it, which was as dark as it could be. A little way in there was a pile of rock, or mound, with a road on each side of it, and our files divided untill we had passed it, when we were halted in a loud voice that sounded like it had come from the clouds. The sentry fired his gunn, which sounded like a six pounder. there was no command given, the column simply about faced and got out of there as quietly as possible. Our horses semed to sents trouble, and of their own motion aboutfaced. when we had gotten some two hundred yards from the gap, a halt was called, and consultation had, which was that two videts were to be sent back into the gap to reconnortur, but realy to delay a pesuing squad till our column could get back to our pickets. Admire had the impudence to come back and ask me to be one of the men to be sacrifided. I came right out and told him what the object was, and said to him if he would furnish me with a godd mount I would go anywhere in the bounds of reason. He finaly selected two men with good horses, whom before going, I posted them so that they did not go into the gap, but waited out of sight for the column to move, which it did, and there was nothing slow about its going. At first my little mare fell behind, but warmed up to the work, so that I was quite up with the column when it reached our pickets, and turned up the mountain.

The two soldiers that was sent back, followed quickly, and being well mounted were on hands when we got to a safe position, but they found the rebel picket at the church, but was able to dodge them. The rebels sent a squad from the gap, and one from down the valey and met close to where we assended the mountain, and indulge ina little fusilade, before they recognized each other, to which we listened attentivly from our safe position.

It was nearley dawn when we reached camp, pretty baddly used up but awfully glad to escape slauter, or a rebel prison.

We were not given much time for rest, or sleep. The entire brigade was ordered to pass over the same road that we had used, and attack the enimy, if there, and seize the gap. We found the enimy, and we had a sperited little battle, and sustained some loss, but we drove the rebels out of the valley, and on the following day attempted to force the gap, but failing to do so, our entire divission marched down the valley to "Blains Cross Roads" where there is a wide gap in Clinch mountain, and joined the persuing army up the valley. We had wasted much time in a fruitless, and impossible effort to get on Longstreets flank.

Blains crossroads received its name from the fact that a number roads cross here, on account of a gap in the clinch mountains. The brake in the mountains is very abrupt, at either end. There is a space of prehaps of three quarters of a mile, that is quite level throgh which a creek of considerable force runs. Just why this gap should occur here, one who views it can onley conjectuere. It {is} evidently one of the freques of nature that frequently occures in these mountains. We onley tarried here a short time. but moved on in the rear of the armyup the river in the direction of Beans Station, opposite the gap that we had tried to force 48 hours before. We here come in contact with a very large agregation of soldiers as we thought at that time but small in comparison with what we afterwards saw. We here met some old regiments, such as the first KY cave, and the first Tenn cave, who were the most reclusivly brave as soldiers that I saw while in the service. All that these men wanted to know, was where the enemy was to be found, and they were sure to find them, and bring them in dead or alive. Nothing of great moment occured, and the evning of the second day we reached the Station, and went into camp, and sent out foraging parties in evry direction, except that of the enimy. I do not recall how long we were here. I remember that we gathered in a large pile of corn, and that we went up the calley some seven or eight miles, and engaged the enimy, evey day. As there was no order to throw up brestworks, or fortifications, we thought that we were quite safe from a general attack. Just who was to blame for this neglect, I never knew, or heard anyone say. later on that matter would not have been neglected. We were very short on clothing, and rations, which was met with a very healthy rumor that a suply train was neare us, which would give us all we wanted.

There came a day when we did not go out to visit Longstreets men, which we thought to be a little out of order, and wondered what the matter could be, but about noon we were fully advised as to the reason. Longstreet was coming to see us, and he was bringing nearly all of his family with him, and we soon found that the visit would not be a very pacific one. The real facts are that by noon we were hotly engaged, and men on both sids were being killed, and wounded by the hundreds. The fight was kept up till dark when we retreated down the valley, leaving our forage, and some our military equipment in the hands of the enimy. It was in this battle that I wun my spurs, but I was not aware that I did anything conspicuously brave. We retreated about four miles, and took a strong position, and held the enimy in check all of the next day and again retreated during the night, and reached Blains crossroads the next evening, where we found the infantry ready to receive our pursuers.

This retreating was very exausting. On account of our wagon trains our progress was very slow. The second days march was 36 hours long, and during that time we had no rations, but lived on parched corn, when we were permitted to stop long enough to build a fire to parch it. The enimy kept close at our heels, and our rear guard had some very sperited encounters with them, and at times the outlook for us was not pleasing.

At the crossroads we met the largest agrigation of soldiers that we had ever seen. Shermains divission was in line of battle behind brestworks that had been hastily prepared. Artillary bristled from every available elevation. To us it was a grand sight. We hoped that longstreet would attack us, but he was too wise to walk into our clever trap. We went into camp here, where we expected to remain for sometime. The next morning after we went into camp, the capt hand me an envelope, which contained an order for my promotion to the second Liutenancy, and directed me to take it to headquarters, which I did not knowing what the contents were, only a guess. That evning I received an order to go on duty at once, as a second Liut. In passing I will say that I did not get my commission till in march, and of course was only allowed orderly sergeants pay, at that time, but about 1888 congress past a law that enabled officers full pay for the time that they served as officers before they received their commissions, and of course I received my full pay.

Contrary to our expectations, and desires, we were not allowed to remain in camp more than a week, till we were ordered to march. I think that it was on the 24{th} day of December that we left camp and marched to Strawberry plains, where we crossed the Holstine river and marched up the valley to Newmarket, and from there out in the country some six miles, to a gap in the hills, where the entire regiment was placed on picket.

We were not forgetfull of the fact that this was Christmas eve and our minds and hearts were full of reminissences.

It turned out very cold, and we were not allowed to put up tents, or go soundly to sleep. We were camped on a farm where we had plenty of dry rails, of which we made fires, and we would lie down before them and sleep till the fires would burn out, when we would get up and put on more rails. We had nothing to eat, save a little parched corn. Inspite of all these discomforts, the boys joked about the turkey dinners, which they knew would be served at home and related their experiences at the home for many years past. Language would fail me to describe our forlorn condition, and I will pass by saying that, at about ten oclock we got orders to march, which we were glad to do notwithstanding the severity of the cold, and the knawing of our stomaches. We passed throgh Newmarket, where we expected to get something to eat, but got nothing but promisses, that we would get rations at "Mossey Creek" where it was said there were large gristmills. It was almost night before we reached our destination, and very late before we could get flower and meal for supper. We remained here about two days, when a large part of the command marched over into the valley of the "French Broad" river, but before reaching our destination our commander got an intimation that Longstreet's forces were doing to pay us another visit, at our old camp, and the column was halted and remained in camp for several hours, undecided as to which way we should march. By two oclock the noise of battle in our rear was discouragingly loud. We finaly marched in the direction of the left flank of the enemies battle line, but did not reach the battlefield till the fight was over, and we went into camp in a woods pasture, which was thickly covered with small "jack oaks". This was the part of the battlefield that was ocupied by the first Tenn Cav, and bulet marks on the trees told us how sevier the conflict had been. So neare me was a dead confederate officer, as I sat by our campfire, that I coudl reach his body with my hand.

The dead liut was clothed is a part of our uniforme, which he probbaly got out of our clothing suplies at Beanstation. After we got throgh with our supper, we dug a shallow grave, and burried the body, with as much respect and decency could be under the circumstancies would permit. The battle was a sevier one, our losses were very heavy. Two of our battrymen lay where thay had fallen, both of them had been as smoothely decapitated as if it had been done with a knife. The fight, and defeat was very credible to our brave soldiers. It was claimed that our flank movement saved the day to the federals.

When we laid down that night it was quite warm, but cloudy, and being tired we slept soundly. Company headquarters was the onley tent erected. The entire regiment had laid down with nothing but their blankets over them. I was always an earley riser, even while in the army, and on this memorial morning assayed to get up at my regular time. Everything appeared to be remarkably quiet which was more apparent when I pulled the tent flap back and discovered that nearly a foot of snow had fallen during the night. Not a human being was in sight, and the onley indication of a living presence was the humocks in the snow, and that there was at least one soldier under these snow hillocks was eresistable.

I never saw a more dreary perspective. I am not given to hesitation when confronted with a despirate situation, but on this occasion I would have been pleased if somebody elce had taken the innitiative. In order that a fire be built, it was necessary to do things. First to cleare away the snow, and prepare a place for a fire, without a shovel or anything to do it with. When the snow shouuld be cleared away, where was the wood to come from. After much work, and wading of snow, I finally got a fire going, that would cook a little breckfast. Many of the soldiers did not attempt to get up till noon, and after, but who could blame them. The enimy was just as much handicapped as we were, and there was no danger.

The following day after the snow, the weather turned very cold and we had to hustle for some kind of bedding. We had nothing but pup tents to shelter us from the weather, and three of us had to croud into one of these little tents. The "middle man" of course faired reasonably well, but the outside man had to take the cold on one side. The space was so small that when we turned over, all had to turn at once, in this way the outside man was able to warm a side at a time. The first day of Jan 1864 was said to be the coldest that had occured in the knowledge of the oldest inhabitant. our people at home shivered all day around their fires, and could do nothing but replenish the fires, and feed the stock, and thought that they had a very hard time, but us poor fellows had no way of warming our bodies, but to stand around a green wood fire, and to make the situation all the worst was the fact that many of our men had no overcoats, and no tents. Some were without shoes, and others had worn their pants so long that they were practicaly reduced to rags.

We were finaly removed to a wooded hollow, neare "mossey creek", where we wer better protectd from the cold wind. The cold continued all throgh Jan. For those who were without shoes, or tents we kept great logheaps burning, around which they would huddle to keep warm. Some of them got so close that they burned their clothing, and it was not uncommon to see a soldier with his coatial burned off. The government could not furnish us with anything more that sugar and coffee, and occasionaly a few hardtac. For bread we had to get flower and meal from the mill, out of which we made a stiff dough, which we impaled on a sharpened stick, or upon a ramrod, and held it to the fire till it browned. The cornmeal we made into a dough, and baked it in a frying pan, if we had one otherwise on a stone or in the ashes. There was one man in my company, who had no shoes the most of the winter, and yet he never missed a fight, a scout, or a foraging squad. He managed in some way to protect his feet with old peices of army blankets. The commanding officer of the army sent a regular army maj to our camp to inspect us, whom we were very carefull to stear to the logheap loafers. He was a very careful inspector, and wanted to see with his own eyes every condition. He was quite inquisitive with the boys, asking them about their clothing, and their food. Fortunately it was neare the dinner hour, and some of the boys were parching corn, while others were roasting their dough. He wanted to know what they are going to have for supper, to which they answered if there is anything left over we will probably eat it, but if there is not we will do without. The commander of the regiment invited him to stay for dinner, and set before him hardtac and coffee. The maj thought that was pretty hard grub for the commander of a regiment to subsist upon, to which the col answered that he was fortunate to have that much. That it was much better than the food that his men had to live upon. With all of these privations, and hardships. I do not recall that I ever heard a serious complaint. At the close of the month, the weather warmed up, and Feb brought us very mild weather, and of course things commenced to move, and it wasent long till we had orders to march. The bridge at Strawberry Plains was completed, and our hearts were gladened by the news that a train load of comissary suplies had arrived at Newmarket, and we got something to eat for about a day, when we were moved over to a little town in the "Frenchbroad valley" where we could get forage for our horses, but unfortunately for us Longstreet did the same thing. He also wanted forage, and lots of it, and of course it was not possible for both armies to indulge in amicable relations very long. We ocupied the town, which was called Dandrige.

We had not been here but a few days, when our commanding officer ordered us to make a reconoisance in force to see what our neighbors were doing. We found them ready to receive us and did it in a very hostile manner; In fact, our regiment ran a very close call and it was seriously feared that we were candidates for Andersonville. Under the leadership of a rash officer, we came very nearly running into an ambush; and it was onley by the shrewdest management that we were able to withdraw our forces.

It was Sunday morning. The weather had the balm of spring. Of course we kept no account of time; but the weather was so calm, and the sun shone so brightly, that that a sabath day presence was evrywhere. If a church bell had rung out its chimes many would have moved their heads in reverential thankfullness. There had been a pile of corn thrown down on the ground for use, as needed; passing by it I stopped to think, and the more I thought, the more convinced I became, that that corn would be baddly needed at some future time. I got busy at once, and soon had a peck of it shelled in a piece of tent, and strapped to my saddle. I did not think that I was doing anything extraordinary; til heard one of my company declare that there would be a battle before night, and when asked for his authority, said that Lieut Carter was putting up corn for his horse.

I remember that it was nearly dinner time when the regimental orderly passed along the company lines with orders to the officer to prepare for immediate action, and a few minuts afterwards the bugle call for boots and saddles was sounded; and in less than 30 minuts we strood at our horses heads ready to mount, which we did in short order, and moved out to the suposed battle line, without our dinner, which was unfortunate, as we got little to eat that and less the next morning.

We did not have to wait long for the enimy to appeare. The fight was on on th eright before we left camp. We were placed in line on the south side of a deep gorge, about a mile from town; on the other side of which the enimy soon put in an appearance.

We finaly crossed this gorge, and confronted the enimy, and charged his line of battle, before which the rebel forces gave way, and was soon in full retreat, but halted about a mile to the rear, and formed his line of battle, and came at us with such vigor that we had to retreat in some disorder, to our original line. The afternoon was spent in charges and counter charges; without any great loss on either side. In this fight there were four Ind regiments in a continuous line of battle, all of which were mounted.

When night came on we held our original position. While the enimy lined up on the other side of the chasm. In forming their lines the rebels got into a fight, by mistake, among themselves, to which we listened with much amusement. We knew that there was a large force of infantry behind us, and we felt assured that on the morrow the infantry would take our place, and we would go into the flank. We argued that Longstreet had ordered us around about long enough; and that we thought we were able to fight him, that job should be attended to right here. We were ordered to build extra fires; which which we construed was for the purpose of deceiving the enimy, as to our movement to the flank; but when our column was moved to the rear, leaving onley a skirmish line, matters began to look a little shakey; but when we got into the town, and saw the infantry headed for Knoxville, we were badly demoralized. We marched all night by the way of Newmarket; while the infantry took the direct road to Strawberry Plains. At Newmarket we found a large supply of pork, of which we were ordered to take freely; and as we were mounted, our suplies were abundent.

We reached Strawberry Plains in the afternoon; and crossed the bridge before dark, and went into camp, in the woods nearby. The rear guard came in late in the evening; and work was commenced at once to wreck the bridge, which had been completed but a few days.

When we awoke in the morning we found that a few inches of snow had fallen during the night, and the whole outlook was most dreary. Our horses had had but little to eat since the morning of the day before, and of course were now ravenously hungry. I went out to my little mare, who never failed to greet me with a glad whinny; and undid my peck of corn, and gave her a quart or so of it.

The other horses saw that she was eating, and set up a great racket of pawing and nahing. Mine was the onley horse that had anything to eat that morning, and I felt quite proud of my thoughtfulnes in saving the corn for her. We did not tarry long here, but marched directly to Knoxville, where we arrived in the earley afternoon, and went and went into camp for the night; but the next day crossed the river, and went into camp in a heavy layer of timber. In about three days we made a forced march into Marysville; to relieve Col ___ of the first K Y, who was commanding a small brigade, which the rebels had surrounded, and then cut his way out, as he had done this time, before we could reach him.

We could do nothing more than march back to our camp. In our hurry to secure Wolford, we had not made any arrangements for commisary suplies, and we were almost starved. A lot of us went into a building, where comisary suplies had been kept; and the floor was covered two feet deep with spoiled hardtac, and then tramped over with mudy feet. We dug down into this mouldy heap, and picked pieces of hardtac, which we ate greadily; and I do not think that I ever ate anything that tasted so good. In a short time we were ordered to turn over our "crobates" of horses to the quarter master.

The officers had the privelege of retaining their horses, which pleased me greatly, as I was attached to my little mare. I got a member of my company to take my mount, and use her; as he was an orderly at headquarters, and had to make trips out into the country, he could find some forage for her. The fourth Ind calvary was also dismounted. We were not allowed to remain in camp but a few days till we got orders to march afoot, some 25 miles to relieve Wolford, who had again gotten into trouble. There is nothing that demoralizes a calveryman so much as that of being deprived of his horse. He enlisted as a calveryman, and he expects to serve as such. The carrying of side arms afoot is very cumbersom, and useless. Of course we had no such impediments; but having rode a horse for nearly a year we were not prepared for a forced march. We left camp in the afternoon, and marched late into the night, and was up at sunup, and kept up a quick step til late in the afternoon, when when we went into camp on a beautiful stream of water which proved to be the end of our forced march. Up to this time we had not been aware of the presence of an armed force of either army, but we could not get away from the impression that the enimy was not far away. We were ordered to police camps, which indicated that our stay was somewhat indefinite. The fact that we were ordered to use a liberal amount of fuel in our campfires awoke a feeling of aprehension amoung the rank and file. I think that it was about twelve oclock, when an orderly notified the officers to prepare to march, without the call of the bugle, but to move out as quietly as possible. This kind of a hint always commands the attention, and strict obedience of all old soldiers. This kind of an order indicated that there was an enimy very close to us, and that our safety lay in our ability to get as far away as possible, while the enimy slept. In a very short time we were in column, and marching with a quick step back on the road over which we had marched a few hours before. There is nothing that is more impressive, than a forced march in the solumn night, in close proximity to an agresive enimy.

The vary air semed pregnient with iminant danger. There was no necesity for the officers to tell us in words that we were in a dangerous situation; we could read it in their action, and in their faces. All night long we marched, and there was no hesitatation about that march. We would have to put at least fifteen miles behind us before we should pass the line of the enimy on the other side of the river, and we must do that before daylight. On this occassion we needed no rear gard, as is usualy the case. The whole command had been in the army too long to take any chances in stragling strategy. About 8 oclock we were halted for a short time, to eat a lunch and get water. There was plenty of water, but the lunches were very small, if any. Demorilisation was now very apparent; especialy among the cavelry. Some of te boys broke their swords, and threw them away. We marched continuously til about 4 P M when we passed thrue a gap in the mountains, that surounded Knoxville, some 8 miles from the city; where the commanding officer gave the order, "in places rest." This order was obeyed with military promptness, and the entire command was soon down by the road side and nearely all were assleep, without any regard to the quality of the ground on which they lay. The fact that we had no rations inspired us to awake and move on in the direction of something to eat. Most of the command got into camp before dark, but those who tarry for a little more rest and sleep, did not get in till very late into the night. I do not remember just how long we remained here; but I do remember that we were hungry nearley all of the time. The little beef or pork that we drew from the commissary, was so poor that there was no nutriment in it. The pork would not fry itself; the animal having used up all of the oil in it to sustin life, there was nothing left but the fiber, and the same condition was true as to the beef.

During this time I had managed to keep my little mare, of which I was very proud, and much attached. I remember that for seven days and nights I had no forage of any kind to give her, and I had to keep out of sight so that she would not whinney at me for something to eat. I would get some one of the boys to move her from place to place so that she could get frech brush to brouse upon. I finally got so desparate, that I went out about a half a mile to where there was a residence, and some outbuildongs, with the hope that I might find some fcorn husks or fodder. I found the husks and a little corn, but I took a desperate chance, as there was a gard on the premises, and the onley reason that I was not arrested was that the gard was at supper; but he got out in time to arrest the sergeant Maj, whom he caught in the act. Had I been arrestedit would have gone hard with me, as I was an acting commissiond officer; and it is possible that my commission would have been held.

We were finaly ordered to draw horses again, but not our old ones but if anything a worse lot than we turned over 30 days before. I was now prouder than ever of my mount. She was one of three left of the old set of horses. There was little cerimony, or choice in the horses that we drue. The boys took them because the officers told them to do so. Nor did we tary long after the drawing, but in 24 hours we were mounted and going south, in quest of forage for horses and men. It was now about the first week in March; and at that time of the year, in that country, weather conditions are very uncertain. I remember that we had not traveled more than four miles from the city, when one of those characteristic downpores set upon us; an increased till it semed as thogh the floodgates of heaven had been opened. The roads soon became regular quagmires, into which many of our old horses plunged, never to rise again.

When a horse woould fall, his rider would strip saddle and accuterments from his back, and shoulder them and follow the column, if left behind the price of them would be taken out of his pay. Late in the evening we reached the river, and went into camp. The weather cleared up, and having a beautiful camping ground, and plenty of good water close by; we felt quite comfortable in spite of the distressinly short rations that the government afforded us.

While here, the captain and I were made hapy by being able to buy 25 lbs of bacon from the comisary. The first that I had seen in more than three months. We got a good supper out of it, and that was all. When we went to bed we were very careful to put it under our heads; but in the morning there was no bacon there, not even the smell of it. We never got any trace of it; and I have an idea that it was cooked, and eat directly after the theft was accomplished.

We soon found that there was no forage in this valley; and after campng here about 10 days, we got orders to march back to Knoxville. Nearly half of our men were dismounted, and many of them had to carrey their horse accuterments on their backs. Our command was now badly demoralized. Since our arrival into East Tenn we had been almost constantly in the saddle; marching much of the time day and night. It often occured that we were not given time to cook and eat the small rations that we were able to collect.

Most of the time we had been on or near the battle line. We had moved up and down the valley; semingly to us to the behest of our enimy. We had sene large columns of our troops; who when we thought a battle should occur, would sudenly melt away and we would have to follow these, to us formidible columns, as rear guards. For miles around Knoxville, the stench of dead horses, and mules was ever present. The country was striped of forage for the starving horses and of food for the soldiers. It was no wonder that we were discouraged and disheartened.

The second day we marched into Knoxville, as we had done many times during the winter, and went into camp for anbout two days. When we marched out of the city for the last time, in the direction of Loudon, which has been heretofore described several times. We were informed that we would be under eh immediate command of General Granger. We reached Loudon the evening of the second day, and crossed the river on the pontoon bridge, and camped near the village, and the next morning drew what was called a full ration, which was the first time that we had done so since leavig KY in August.

We found that we could not consume our rations. The boys said that our stomachs had contracted too much to contain full rations and we would have to expand them by degrees, and I think that there was more truth than poetry in the proposition. We remained here about three days, when we marched to a station called Sweetwater on the railroad, and from there east into the country about 25 miles to an old town called Madisonville. The country around the town for miles is comparatively level, and evidently a good farming country. In a few days after our arrival our company (E) was detailed as provo guards, and quartered in the courthouse. Nothing of any great importance occured while we were here. The paymaster met us here for the first time in about six months, and of course we had plenty of money, for a time at least. On the 21st day of March I received my commission, and went to Knoxville for muster and procured my Lieut uniform. When the paymaster left us I was ordered to take 25 men and escort him to the railroad station at Sweetwater; which I considered to be a very important responsibility. On this trip my horse stumbled and turned a complete summerset, and landed in the corner of a fence with feet in the air, and my right leg under the saddle; from which the boys rescued me by raising the horse by the tail long enough foor me to withddraw my leg. I was not hurt, and mounted immediately, and rode on.

The whole regiment semed to have gotten the idea that in recognition of the fact of our continued long hardships, and continuous campaigning during the winter, we would be removed to some important point and do garrison duty during the summer, and a regimental order was issued for all of the officers to procure new uniforms throughout, and all who did not have them, get side arms, and a Capt (Mass) who had resigned on account of age was ordered to make the purchase. In passing I will say that very little of the stuff ever reached the regiment. They last mounted service that I was permitted to perform, was a picket on outpost about 18 miles from Madisonville, near the N C line. I had about twenty men in my squad. We had a splendid camping ground, on a mountain stream. The people were pretty strongly union; and our prospects for a good time were very bright indeed. But alas for us; we had onley been there for a few days, when a picket was sent out to relieve us, and I was ordered to march at once for headquarters; which I did much puzzled to know what there was in it; but did not have long to wait after getting to camp. Orders came to us to turn over our horses without reserve, even for the officers. This was a new deal, but our grapevine news agent got busy, and soon located us at some important point, where where we would be required to do post duty, and play soldiers.

It did not take long to dispose of our mounts, and get vouchers for them, and then we were ready to go, and there was no delay about it. We marched somewhat hurriedly to Sweetwater station, and went into camp near the depot; and our news agent got busy agian; and placed us there for the summer. To this report even the officers semed to give some credence. Regimental orders came at once for us to police quarters, and put up tents; which we went at with a will; and in a day or so evrything was in applepie order. At the end of the third day we we received orders to march the next morning at six oclock; but no mention was made as to the direction, and as our news agent was not to be found, we were solidly against it.

All that a soldier has to do in cases like this is to wait, and he is liable to get more information than he wants. It will suffice to say that we marched the next morning; not exactly on time, but we marched; and we marched south, and as we knew that General Sherman's army was not very far away, and that his forces were already fighting, we did not have to run around hunting for possibilities, and ariving at conclussions. On the evning of the second day we passed through a town, the name of which I can not recallnow; and passing beyond it a few miles, went into camp on the bankcs of the Hiwossie river; a very beautiful place, and of some interest to me, on account of the fact that my grandmother had lived somewhere on this river when my mother was a baby. Nothing of great importance occured here. I think that we got some clothing supplies here. Six regiments of new Ind troops were quartered here, having arrived some days before us. This was what was called Hovey's brigade, and was some times known as Gen Hovey's brigade. Before leaving here our company wagons were all turned over, and onley one wagon was alowed to each regiment, and that was to be used for transportating the officers baggage; and even that was very much reduced. The officers had to carry their own rations.

When we prepared to march, I and the Capt had some controversy, as to who was to carry the bacon. I had put my new uniform in the wagon, and had donned my old privates suit, and the Capt thought I would not be damaged greatly if I carried the bacon. The day was very warm, and that is all the reader will have to know to understand what the condition of my clothing was in after carrying some ten pounds of bacon all day. We were to carry the bacon day about; and the next morning I layed the bacon before the Capt, and after he had viewed it for a minut, he said now let us reason together for awhile about this important matter. He said "now your clothes are already greased, and it would be too bad for both of us to be soiled in that way. After considerable controversy it was agreed that I should hire the first negro that was available.

We had not marched more than a mile or so till I saw a negro man at the side of the road, with whom I struck a bargain at once, and delivered the bacon to him, and directed him to go to the captain and get the balance of our culinary supplies, but I could not deliver the grease I had extracted from the bacon.

In about two days we were in line of battle on the extreme left of General Sherman's army; where we were not permitted to remain idle more than a day or two. When we formed a part of two columns of soldiers, consisting of possibly 15,000 men, that was to make a right half wheel, and attack a fort on the right side of the enimys fortifications. While the right of our columns did not march over a mile, our left possibly marched five miles or more. It took all dayto make the march. We passed over all kinds of obstructions such as fallen timber, clifts and deep gorges. Apparently there was not a foot of level ground, and the underbrush was almost impenetratable; and yet we had to maintaine a semblance of a line of battle, and kep both lines within a hundred yards of each other.

About six oclock we arrived within one hundred yards of the slashing in front of the fort. Upt to this time we had not seen a single enimy, but had heard some firing by the cavelry on our left.

The rear column halted about one hundred yards in the rear. It had been a hard days march, and we willingly layed down in our places when the signal was given. More than a mile of the two lines was now in full view, in the direction of "Bald Knob:, which was the highest point in the range of low mountains. Our signal corps was stationed here; and Gen Sherman, and many prominent army officers took their station here to watch, and direct the movement, which was reported by them to have been the finest that they had ever witnessed. The fact that our orders came to us along the line with the utmost caution, admonished us that there was iminant danger in front. While it was true that we could see no one, we knew that our neighbors were at home and ready to receive us in a very hostile manner; and our officers concluded that it was not best to make our call at that time of the day, and orders were passed along the line to lay down on our arms, heads to the rear, with our arms so arranged that when we arose to our feet we would have our guns at a ready to fire. We were cautioned not to rattle our canteens against our guns, or to speak above a monotone of voice. When it was dark, a certain number of men were to take as many canteens as they could carry and supply their comrades with water for the night.

Then we would probably be ordered to charge the fort as earley as four oclock in the morning, which would be announced by a signal gun on bald knob, and when we heard that signal, evry man was to rise, and march at a double quick, for the fort. The civilian can not even aproximate the terable straine that such a situation imposes. I lay down in line with my comrads and close to many of my old schoolmatesand friends, and was an attentive listener to the whispered conversations that were carried on in the earley part of the night. Many of them had a preminition that they would fall in the charge on the morrow. Some gave directions as to what should be written to their friends if they should be killed. Others scribbled name, company and regiment upon a piece of paper and pinned it to their clothing. While a few went to sleep immediately, and slept all night, some of them, in their talk in their sleep, semed to be dreaming of home, and talking to loved ones. I was always a light sleeper, and was awake many times during the night, and was fully awake at about foour oclock. Having no watch, I measured the time by the crowing of a cockerel, that had escaped the conscription of both armies, and as that was the onley sound of the kind that I heard, I concluded that he was onoey one that had survived. The voice of that chanticular had a very lonesome effect on me I assure you.

But it was sweet music in comparison with that other sound that I was listening for. Very few of the men apparently awoke at the appointed time. The time slowley dragged on, and there was no gun fired, and nothing to indicate that a great battle was to be fought. Looking to the East a faint glow appeared, that indicated that a new day was daughning upon us. In that mountaneaous country, daylight comes slowly, and it was at least an hour before the god of day showed his smiling face; and when he shed his first reys, they fell upon two lines of battle, lying upon the ground as arranged the night before; and yet there was no indications that a battle was to be fought. At about seven oclock word was passed along the line to eat our breakfast, but to make no noise. We could hear little sound coming from our neighbors, which indicated to us that they too were on their good behavior. At half past 8 oclock word was passed along the line for the front column to rise at a given signal, and about face and march to the rear, passing over the rear line, and halt and lie down one hundred yards to the rear, but the same precaution as to noise was enjoined. When we got settled in this position, then the front line performed the same manuever, which we continued alternately three times. When we got orders to brake into columns of regts to the rear; which we continued for some distance, in regular military order; which we finaly changed to the route step, and by four oclock we were in our old camp, and very tired and hungry. The fact that there was rumors that a movement was being made to the rear made us feel that there would be something doing in our camp soon; and we were not left to guess at it very long. We soon found out that our movement on the fort was not intended to be a fight, but was made for the purpose of holding the rebels, while Gen McFerson made a lodgement on the railroad, some thirty miles in the rear of Johnson's army.

The rebels evidently understood our maneuver, and just as careful not to provoke a fight as we were. Before night had set in, we received orders to prepare to march the next morning at six oclock, and to prepare five days rations during the night, which would keep our cooks busy all night. Our negro cook had proved to be very faithfull, and we had no concern about our rations. By eight oclock the next morning we were in line and marching, in the rear of Gen Thomas'es corps; and for many hours we were in hearing of what sounded to us as a hard battle. That our movement was a very important one was indicated by the vigor of our movements. We must have covered some 18 miles that day, and went into camp near the mouth of what was called snake creek gap which is a narrow valley running between two mountain ridges, and was perhaps four or five miles long. The road ran throgh, and along the creek, and had never been used other than a neighborhood road, and of course our pionneer forces had very arduous work to perform. About four oclock the next day we passed out of the gap into a level creek bottom where we had a partial view of a grand army marching. Our situation was now southwest of Resaca, where a hard battle was to be fought, during the next two days. A battle semed to be raging at that time in the front. My regiment was ordered to march out on the Dolton road, and act as a picket in that direction. This was the road that the rebels at Dalton would have to march over to reach the miane army at Resacka, hence a strong picket was necessary. The rebel column did not pass near us and we were left in place during the night. In the morning we were advised that a fierce battle was on by nine oclock, but for some unaccountable reason we were not ordered in, notwithstanding the fact that our (the 23 corps were leading the battle, and suffering sevier losses.) At two oclock Gen Willicks brigade found us and had us fall in on the right of his brigade.

He said to us in broken Duch: "Fall in I takes you into de fight; and he was as good as his word. We marched in line of battle, guided by the sound of, which had advanced more than a mile since morning. We stayed with Wilick till we reached the outer line of works, that had been taken by our corps in the fore noon, and were in direct line with the with the artillary fire of the rebels, whose shells that ranged too high to strike our front line, passed over to us and exploded among us but did little damage to us other than to keep us dodging. The general left us here to find our way to our divission, which which was a mile in our front. It must have been five oclock, when we took the place of a regiment that had fought all day, and had suffered greatly. In front of our position was several batteries, situated on a high ridge, and these guns did great damage when the gunners succeeded in firing them; and to prevent them from doing that, we had to sharpshoot the gunners and keep them down. Our position was also on a high ridge, with a narrow valley between us and the rebels. Our main line was consealed just behind the crest, onto which men were sent as sharpshooters to pay their attention to the rebel gunners. The rebels also had sharpshooters, who were very complimentary, and our men were onley safe when they had a tree between them and the front. Here we lost one of our best soldiers (James Clark), but no other serious casualties. Just before night the firing ceased along our line, but twas very vigorous on our left, where an assaulting column of the rebels was defeated with great loss. While it was yet daylight I got a good view of the valley, and our lines in two columns, close up to the rebel works; but did not seme to be fighting, as there was no sound of battle on either side. In fact after the rebel repulse on our left, there was very little firing anywhere. The generals on both sides were evidently planing for the great contest that was sure to follow on the morrow.

Just after dark we were relieved, and marched immediately to the rear, about a mile I should judge, passing throgh a field hospital enrout. Probably a hospital ground would be more proper, as there was nothing there but the ground as yet; five acres of which half had been laid out in squares, streets and alies, and the dead, and the dead and wounded places where the tents would be erected, when they should arrive from the rear. From piles of limbs we knew that the surgeons were already busy, and doing their work by very dim lights. Looking at the situation now from a scientific point, it is a wonder that so many of our mamed comrads lived throgh thes crude operations. We were halted in line of battle, but not near the fighting line. We afterwards learned that our corps formed a hollow square around the wagon trains of the army. We also learned early in the morning that Joe Hooker was to lead the fight that day on the salient of the enimy, which was the now celebrated sunken fort. If he should succeed in taking that, the rebel line would be broken and a disastrous defeat incured for the rebel army. All day long til 4 oclock the battle raged with varryied results. While Hooker did not succeed in taken the "sunken fort" he did succeed in silencing the guns; for the posession of which hundreds of men perished, and the guns were so riddled with shot and shell they were wortthless to us the next morning when they fell into our hands. About 4 oclock the firing ceased, and a very impressive calm settled down upon us. By this time a blue haze had enveloped the battlefield, which was the result of powdersmoke. The ambulance now go tbusy, and made a constant dull roar, that to us appeared like a mournful funeral sound.

When the darkness of night closed around us this mournfull sound continued till about 9 oclock. At ten oclock we laid down on our arms, and was soon asleep; from which we were awaked at 11:15 by a sudent unearthly roar of artillery first, followed by that of musketry, all of which lasted about 20 minuts, and then ceased as sudenly as it had begun. Years afterwards in Iowa, I met an ex-confederate soldier, who was there, and he said that the uproar was caused by the Georgia malitia, who got scared at the lightning bugs, that were very thick that night; but I think that Johnson was preparing to retreat, and ordered the firing to impress us with the idea that the enimy would be found in the morning, ready for business. I do not think that it fooled gen Sherman, judging by the promptness with which he followed the rebel army in the next morning. We had no further disturbances that night, and when we awoke in the morning we soon found that there was no enimy before us. By nine oclock we were in line of battle and ready to march.

A detail of men from each regiment was made to burry the dead; amoung which was some of my company, and saw the sunken fort, with its piles of dead from both armies, which they discribed as the sickning sight that they ever saw, and hoped that they would never witness such again. We marched along the outer edge of the battle field, and the stench was so great that I had no desire to get closer to it. Our corps crossed the river marched on a parallel, but several miles north east of the center; which as usual was comanded by Gen Thomas; with Gen McFerson on the right. About noon we came to a small, but deep river, that delayed us some time in crossing. Here I got into conversation with a negro man who displayed more intelligence than any man that I met in Georgia. He said that there was an old lady living in that part of the country, who had a half dozen sons in Brags army at the time of the Chickamoga fight, and she was in the habit of taking in a pack horse load of provission, when ever she could reach them, and she made one of her visits while the battle was going on, and while there the rebels brought in some of our cavelrymen; who always presented a clean nice appearance, and were usually fine looking men. She returned to her home, very much discouraged. She told her neighbors that the south could never whip them thar yankees. She said that them prisnors were fine looking men, and that they stood up and looked so brave by the side of the southern soldiers, who looked more like prisoners, than did the yanks. She said that she did not believe they could ever whip such men as that.

After crossing the river, which I believe was called the "Coosey" we marched till late in the evening, but saw no enimy, and to all apparencies was as peacfull as could be. But the center and the right wing were having some fighting all of the time, as those commands marched in the immediate rear of the retreating army.

We did not see any of the balance of the army till we got to Cartersville, on the Etowa, where we met a part of the center. Gen Sherman thought of crossing the river here, and taking Altoona, a very strong rebel position on the other side, just beyond a gapin a high range of hills. This is an old southern town, situated on the railroad, and surrounded by a very good country. I think that we remained here four or five days, resting, and getting supplies. It was claimed that Gen Sherman was here, but I did not see him. I was very much indisposed for the first time, while I was in the service up to this time, but kept on foot till we got orders to march, when I applied for medicine, and a ride in the ambulance but when I reported there was so many that were worse off than I was that I went back to my regiment and marched with the column. Instead of crossing the river, we downit till we came to a pontoon bridge, that had been laid by Gen Hookers command.

After crossing the river we moved on throgh a low range of hills with small farms scatered throgh them. At noon we halted for dinner, and to wait for the road to be cleared ahead of us. While we were resting, and preparing for our meal, some of the boys were on the lookout for a porker, and while doing so stumbled on to some lumber that was half covered with leavs, under which they found a hole in the ground, in which they found taned hides, mixed with corn in the ear. They took out more than a wagon load of the hides, but did not reach the bottom. Just how this deposit came there was a puzzeler. There was no sign that a wheled vehickle had ever been there, and we could not determine how long since the deposit been made. Just as the interest had reached a fever heat, a fierce canonading broke loose in the front some miles away, and evry man was called into line at once. The volumn of sound clearly indicated that a fierce battle was being fought. We onley marched about two miles, when we found that the road was blocked with wagons, and we could do nothing but stand in line, and wait. Heavy clouds obscured the heavens, and darkness came on earley, and with it a downpore of rain which continued all night. We could do nothing but stand or squat in our places and take the rain. The darkness was apauling, and exceeded anything that any of us had ever witnessed. When daylight came we were a pitiful looking set of men.

When the wagons got out of our way, we took up the line of march and soon came to "Pumpkinvine creek" from which the battle took its name in history. We did not march but a few miles till we came in sight of the battlefield, and got sight of the dead and wounded of which there were several hundred. Hooker had run into an ambush of masked batterys, which mowed his men down before he could get a position to return the fire.

The dead and wounded laying prone on the ground, drenched by a terable downpore of the night before presented a gastly spectacle, from which we were glad to escape. In that country the wooded is almost an impenitratable tangle of underbrush, of which we had a very practical illustration. The previous battle had been fought on open farmland; on the east of which we formed our marching line, facing the tangle of brush. As soon as our lines (2) was formed we were ordered foward, into which we at once commenced to fight our way. For hours we struggled on, tearing clothing, and lacerating our bodies, but there was no turning aside, or going around. When a line of battle is formed it must be preserved. After four or five hours of hard work we succeeded in reaching open woods, where we halted to get a bite to eat, but soon resumed our march, and finaly came out into a farming country.

We had no idea where we were, or what or what part of the battle line our corps was situated, in fact we had been practically lost in the woods, but were not lost to our commanding officers.

We moved on slowly till about 5 oclock, when we were halted on the crest of a ridge, where we were oderd to rest in places, and await orders. Up to this time we had not met an enimy, or hear a gun fire in our immediate front. We did not have to wait long for orders. The engineers passed along in our front, and staked out for a line of works, and of course we got busy at once, and when night set we had a respectable line of defense, made of rails, and logs. Shermans army was now vetterans, and fully undestood the importance of some protection, when in the immediate presence of a corageous, and persistant foe.

For ten days we remained behind our works, fighting more or less evry day with our skirmish lines, wihout very much loss except from the enimies sharp shooters, but there was some very hard fighting on other portion of our line of defense, which was about 15 miles long. History records fighting at "Pumpkin vine"; Dallas; "Newhope Church". I never knew just where Dallas, or Newhope Church was located, but know that they were all in our immediate vicinity. My disability incured at Cartersville continued, and grew worse, till I had to go {to} the field hospital during the seige, but onley remained about two days, till I went back to the command.

On a sunday morning, (I do not recall the exact date but I think that it was after the fifth of june, we received mail from the north, for the first time since leaving Madisonville, and it was being distributed from our company. Some of {the boys} had received as much as a half dozzen letters, and of course were greatly interested in them.

There had been no firing on either side, and an ideal sabath was present evrywhere. Instainusly a terific explosion occure just over, and about six feet above us. My whole company, and a part of company G were more or less stuned. A peirsing scream from Tan Moore caused me to look up, to see whether it was in fun. He had just been telling what his little daughter had writen to him, and was of course in a splendid good humor, which was his natural trait of character. When I saw the expression of his face I saw that there was no fun in him now. The facts were that he was mortaly hurt. A piece of shell had crushed the bones of his leg to the hip joint. Some others in co{mpany} G had been wounded, and two killed outright. Moore was taken to the hospital, where his leg was taken off, but he died that night, and he now sleeps in an unknown grave. There was no other firing after th explossion of the shell, and we could never account for that.

Our neighbors did no firing that or the next day, not withstanding we frequently proded them with shot and shell. The rebel works remained as silent as if they had been entirely dezerted.

That the enimy was trying to induce us to charge their lines, was fully demonstrated when, about five oclock, he turned about 150 pieces of artillary lose upon our lines, first with solid shot, then with shell and grape. The firing lasted about 30 minuts but did little damge. We were too well protected. The greater part of the damage occured in the rear, among the teams, and camp followers. Two shells passed throgh Gen Cox's tent (our divission commander) which was located at what we called the depot. Our cooks (officers) were stationed here, and as soon as the fire slackened, I went back to look after ours. I will onley say that I found our provission, and our cooking outfit, but no cook, nor did I ever see him afterwards. The firing was too much for him, but he was kind enough to leave our grub, and pay for a moinths service where we could get the former and keep the latter.

I did not blame the negro for running away. If he had been wounded there was no place for him, nor no one to take care of him.

About this time the dysentery set in on me, besids I had a bad cough, which prevented me from sleeping at night, or resting in the daytime, and I was again ordered to the field hospital, and from there to Alitoona pass, where I grew worse. The hospital here was so badly crowded that an old woodshed had to be used for a hospital, where the sick were simply laid out on the ground in the dust and klitter. There was not enough attendants to afford necesary saintary relief. Tents were finaly provided, and the sick removed to them. The wounded were continualy coming in from the front, some of them having died on the way. I remember that one rainy morning I lay in my tent, and looked out to where two soldiers lay under a blanket, with the rain poring down upon them.

I could have known that there was life there. It was ten oclock before any attention was paid to them, when a burrial squod came and removed the covering, when it was all plaine enough. That blanket covered two dead soldiers. Soldiers who went out to fight for their country, and return to enjoy its glory, and its prosperity ans the grand privilege of being an american. Thus passed away thousands, who to day are regarded as having simply been unfortunate, or that they ought to have better luck, but the unanswed fact remains that great wars cannot be fought without some body dying, either of wounds, or of disease, largely the latter.

Here the sick and wounded were examined with a view of sending all of the worst cases to the rear. When the surgeon reached me he had no trouble in disposing of my case, and I was ordered to the officers hospital on Lookout mountain, to which I was transported in a box car. No one but sick, or wounded soldier can appriciate the torture, and hardships incident to transportation of this charactor. We all arrived at Chattanooga, in a very exausted condition, late at night, where we were put into a hospital, and the next morning removed to Lookout mountain. There were about six hundred officers here, ranging from lieut's to Dol's. Here I became very much worse, and ofr several weeks was unable to get out of my room. In fact the attending surgeon dispared of my recovery for several days, and if I had folowed his treatment I surely should have died, but I was fortunate in the steward of my ward, who had been an attendant in a hospital in Lowel mass, and had learned much about diseases. He disregarded the treadment of the doctor, by thowing the doses into the fireplace, and using simple remedies of his own. But the doctor never knew, and when I was finaly able to get out, he came into my room, and congratulated me on my recovery, and complementing himself for the treatment he had given me; saying that he expected at one time that I would be carried out feet foremost. I have no doubt but that many a brave soldiers life was sacrificed by ignorant physicians, who simply would not let nature do her perfect work in building up a worn down physical organism. This doctor provided me with two tonics, which were very strong, with orders to take them alternately evry hour. I believe that if I had taken either of these tonics as directed, I would not have the privilege of writitng these notes. Besids a bad cough, I had a bad case of dysentery, but more painful than all of these was a burn on my chest from a double application of fly plasr{t}er, that semed to have burned me to the very ribs. For days I sat and held my clothing away from my breast. Lookout mountain is so well known in war history, that anything that I might say would not be new. Forty seven years afterwards I had the privelege of looking upon its rugged highths, but it semed to be the same. The palisades were there, just as they were when I first beheld those majestic highths. Instead of traveling five miles to get to the summit in the ambulance one may board an incline car, and be there in a few minuts. I stood and watched many people going up and down, but I felt that the condition of my nerves would not justify me in making the trip by motor car.

I remained on the mountain about six weeks, a part of which time I was able to get out, and explore the rebel works, and gather Huckleberries from the bushes to eat. At that time politics were being discussed very freely. The conventions had been held, and Lincoln and McCleland were the noiminees. The McCleland men semed to be largely in the majority, which induced a very enthusiastic Lincoln man to maake a pole of the hospital, which resulted in a two-thirds majority in favor of McCleland. We Lincoln men could not believe that such a disparity was accidental. The democratic party, in convention assembled had declared agains the further prosecution of the war, and that proposition was very attractiveto those officers who had contracted cold feet, and that it did not require a great deal of physical discomfort to enabvle them to get into some hospital, and when once there their staying qualities were a great deal stronger than they had been in the face of some impending battle. A majority of the inmates of the hospital were on their feet most of the time, and semed to enjoy life very agreeably. There was onley one wounded man in my ward.

When I was convolesing I had an inordiant desire for huckleberries. I could buy them at anytime, bu t that was not the way that I wanted them. I must have the privelege of picking them off of bushes. I had been told that within a mile of the hospital there was a great abundence of them, and they were the ones I wanted, but I was not strong enough to walk to them, and I waited impatiently for strngth enough to make the trip. I finaly reached the patch, after having made three attempts. I have no idea how many I eat, but I finaly tore myself away, and when I got back to the hospital I was again hungry for the berries. I had a chum whose name was Gibbon. He was a Lieut in a Michigan regt. He was there when I went to the hospital, and had been there for some time, and he semed willing to stay, but we were ordered for inspection, and I told G that I was going to insist on going to the front. He thought that neither of us was able for duty. When it came my turn for examination I asked at once to be discharged, and after some argument he complied with my request, but the doctor would not listen to G but discharged him peremtorialy. Gibbon and I were very close friends, but I did not then suspect that he had a touch of "cold feet". Having gotten our passes we lit out for Chattanooga the next morning, but had to remain there the most of the day, waiting for transportation, which when we got it, it proved to be a forage train, and there was no place for us to ride but on top of a grain car. People who complain now of tiresome pulman rides ought to have a privelege of riding on the roof of a grain car, for a change, but for the comfort that there is in the experience. We both wore shoulder straps, but that did not even give us a bed on the grain that the car contained; this was a time when rank cut no figur in our favor. We had to pass throgh a tunnel or two, and any railroad trainman will tell you that one does not imbibe any poetic inspiration in such experiences, but plenty of coal smoke. All night long we reclined on the top of that car, clinging to the footboard for safety. Some of the soldiers who had guns, straped them selvs to it, while others more ventursome slept soundly with their feet hanging over the side of the car. The road was so crowded that a freight train was not much of an improvement over a good lively ox team. When morning came we were not more than fifty miles from Chatanooga. About noon we reached Alitoona, and as I had been there I got off to get something to eat, and throgh the dishonesty of the vendor of pies, and bread, in trying to keep my change, I got left, and having left my blankets and coat with Gibbon, I was in a bad fix, but got a pass from the commendant I got another train in the afternoon, but where, if ever would I find Gibbon. My train stopped at Maryetta, and running across some officers who had been discharged from the hospital authorities to take them in, all McCleland men, I was able to trace Gibbon, and my baggage also.

We spent two nights and a day in Maryetta, and when at supper the evning before we agreed to take the first train out to the front. He said that he was going out to visit some friends, and be in before ten oclock, but when I came at that time he was not there, but hi baggage was, and I thought that I would find him in his room in the morning, and of course I looked for him as soon as I got dressed, but found him not, but his stuff was still there. I had breckfast, and waited for a time, and lit out for the dapot, thinking that I might find him there, or hear something from him, but never a Gibbon. A train came along, and I got aboard, and was off, but did not get across the river on that train, as it stoped before it got there. But luckeyly a train load of troups came along, and I ran along it, when it halted,, looking for a means to get up into the cars, when it heard famillier voices calling to me, and looking up I beheld several of my old neighbors, and school mates who belonged to the 25 Ind, and of course I felt quite at home. Our train took us across the river, just in the rear of our lines and I camped with my friends that night, but was off the next morning in search of my regt, which was said to be on the extreme right, about seven miles away, which was a prety long trip for a convalescent. After traveling a mile or so a teamster passed me, and gave me a lift for about three miles, but it was late in the afternoon when I reached my company, and went into camp for the first time since the first week, or ten days in June. The next morning when I got up I found that I could hardly get around, but after a day or so gathered some strength, and performed my part of the duty. Our corps was then in the lead on the right, in an effort to reach the railroad in the rear of the enimy. We would move forwards evry day and press the rebels back, and thenn throw us a safe line of works during the night. Sometimes we would not gaine more than three quarters of a mile. The 14 corps followed after us, occupying our works after each movement. I do not remember how long we kept this up; possibly ten days, but I do remember that the hardships of the campaing brought on my old disease, Dysenteria worse than ever, and I had to go to the field hospital, but didn't remain there but a few days, when Gen Sherman issued orders for the removal of evry man back to Maryetta, that was not able to march 20 miles per day, and our hospital was broken up and the sick removed as ordered. We were conveyed a part of the way in ambulances to a small town, where freight cars were furnished us, and in less than a day we were in the hospital at Maryetta.

Of course we could not even guess what was going on for several days, but finaly it leaked throgh the lines that Sherman's army had gone south, and had left onley one corps between us and Atlanta. I think that this movement was commenced on the 20th of Aug.

I was confined to my room nearley all of the time that I was at this place, but about the 31st of Aug, the doctor gave all dysentery patients a remedy that greatly relieved them, and the next day we were able to get out, and walk around. On the night of the first a terable explosion took place at, or in the direction of Atlanta. Which proved to be the blowing up of the foundries and iron works of the rebels. Before morning we received the news that Atlanta had probably been evacuated, and the news semed to put new life in all of the patients. On the morning of the 3rd I attended sick call, and requested that I be discharged, but I had to convince the doctor that I would be just as well off as I was there, that my regiment would go into camp there, and my men would take care of me if I needed any help. He finaly complemented me by saying that there were a great many others there that were far more able to soldier than I was, but that he had not been able to convince them of the fact. I was given a number of ment o come along with me, to whom I paid little attention after getting them on the cars.

A dispatch had been sent to the hospital, giving the probbal location of each regt. My regt was to go to Decature, six miles east of Atlanta, and of course evryone knew where he was going to. We arrived in Atlanta in the evnine, and were quartered in the rebel barracks for the night, and after getting a bite to eat in the morningprepared to to march to Decature. The commandant of the barracks mustered about a hundred men, and put them in my charge, I being the onley officer there. I managed to get them into a kind of a line, and after marching them a mile into the country, disbanded them, saying to them that they were better off to take care of themselves than I was. We fell in with many stragglers from the front, and and they presented a fair representation of what was afterwards called "Sherman's bummers". They had picked up evry kind of conveyance, form a two wheeled cart to a fine carraige, and were hawling their baggage, and their food in them. They had pork, beef, chickens, and turkeys, that they had picked up on the way. It will suffice to say that we got there, and most of them had the best that the land offered to eat i.e. especialy those that were coming in frokm the main army. As my military carear is soon to close, there is little more to say. As the doctor advised me I was by no means a well man. I do not think that I was able to go on duty but once after returning. My entire system semed to be out of kelter. Treatment did not seme to relieve me, onley for a time. I finaly got so weak, that I could not walk half a mile. The old regimental surgeon, now brigade surgeon, and a good friend to me, sent for me and advised me to resign, on account of my physical disabiltiy. That if I stayed in the service, I would die, but if I went home I would probably get well. I wanted to stay with the boys to the end, which I did not believe would be very long. I had fought my way up to a commission, and I wanted to get some benefit from it. I had been little or no use to my command since the 10th of June, and there was little prospect that I would be able to do any better.

On the morning of the 22nd of Sept I started for home. I had to ride horseback to Atlanta,and was completely done up when I got there the excitement of home going all left me, and I quite collapsed. The train left about dark. Of course as usual we had to ride in box cars, but managed to extemprize seats out of lumber that we picked up along the road. To add to my physical grief, muscular rheumatism now set in, and I suffered the most excrusiating pain. The Col Wright of the 25th Ind happened to be on the train, and he did evrything in his power to make me comfortable. There was quite a number of officers in the car, all going home,on furlogh, or dischargrd. Our progress was very slow, and we did not reach Chattanooga till the next evning. Here we were informed that our train would probably be the last one over the road. Forst was raiding the country between Chattanooga and Nashville, and there was no telling on what part of the road he would appeare, and we onley moved forward when our scouts let us know that the way was cleared. Of course I was greatly concerned, to be captured meant death to me, as I could not indure the hardships that a prison life would entale upon me. We did not feel safe till we reached Murphrysboro. My recolection is that we reached Nashville about ten oclock, and remained till 5 oclock, when we pulled out for Louisville. Where we arrived the next morning at 4 oclock a m. Col Wright proposed to carry my blankets if I could manage to walk, till we could get a ride in some market wagon. A butchers wagon finaly overtook us, and gave us a lift. From Louisville to Portland it is about three miles, and of course the butcher man did us a great favor. A little after sun up we crossed the Ohio river to Newalbany, and out of danger of maurading gorrillas. There is nothing very interesting about the ballance of the trip, and I will drop the curtain over my military experience.

Chapter III

No one but a soldier will ever realize the comfort that homecoming brings to him. Great changes had taken place during my absence. Society, to some extent had been readjusted. People who were poor when I left them were now in good circumstances, and showed an independence that was rather lordly in comparrison with their demeanor when they were threatend by invasion by an inveterat foe. When we went out we were assured that no good thing would be with-held from us. Our families would be taken care of, but they were scared then, but they were brave now. We had driven the enimy far beyond their borders. High prices had filled their pockets with greenbacks, and they were onley interested in us to the extent of our ability to pay for what we had to have to live upon.

While prices were high, wages were disproportionaly low. My uncle was runing a large tobacco business, and he paid his hands $1.50 per day, most of them boarding themselves. I was surprised to find a pronounced sentiment amooung men who were doin g a speculative business in favor of the war, to the end that its continuance would enhance the price of gold, and thereby increase their proffits. The old patriotism that had influenced us to leave our homes and famalies had given away to a sperit of gredy selfishness. Evry where could be heard the predicion that gold would go to four hundred percent in less than six months. A sperit of speculation prevaild evrywhere. men bought reculasly going largely indebt for their purchases. Many men had no confidence in the "greenback" money, and disposed of it for lands, and other properties, in the belief that almost any kind of investment was safer. I will say in passing that in six months many of these men found themselves largely in debt, and gold went down steadily.

The ballance of this otobiograpy will onle deal with the sailient incidents of my life. In fact will be limited to my wanderings in different parts of the country.

After spending a few weeks recuperating my shattered health, I secured employment with my uncle in his tobacco business, and became a private citizen to all intense and purposes, and commenced a vigorous effort to retrieve my fallen fortune. My wife had kept one of my horses, and a part of my farming tools were still left. Many things had been used, and worn out by my friends. I hired for a year at $500 per year, but in the spring I found that I could not support my family on that wage, and incouraged by the high prices of farm products. I secured a small farm, at an enormous price and went to work. In this venture, I came out about even, but was able to save a little salvage, by my work as a cooperer, of tobacco hogsheads. I made a very good contract with my uncle for the year of 1866, to work one of his farms, and assist him in his business. Unfortunately he was something of a diapated character at times, and in one of these fits he quarraled with me, and insisted that I leave his place, and his employmment. Realizing that I could not get along with him, I concluded to go west with a cusin of my wife and in ten days I was on the road for Iowa. This I consider was the most foolish venture of my life. I was getting in prety good shape again financialy, and I should have staid, and fought it out with my uncle, however unpleasant the situation would have been. I knew nothing of the great west, having never seen a prarie, and I had no idea that the country was so new, and so sparcely inhabited. I had a splendid team, and wagon and I figured that I could surely make a living with them.

On the 27th day of March 1866 we bid farewell to the old home, and our people, and for 30 days fought mud, and high water, but with all of these discomforts, we injoyed the trip, and pulled up to a little hamlet called Manti, in Fremont county, Iowa on the 27th day of April.

My wife had a cousin living here, which was very incouraging to us. For a week after landing I was never so blue in my life, the country and surroundings was so different to what I had expected that I was frantic. Deforrest and I were luckey enough to secure one of the best farms, and houses that the country afforded, and in a short time we were farming, and my blues disappeared for ever. To the farmer who has been raised in a timber country a prarie farm is most attractive. We succeeded in raising a prety good crop of corn, and managed to take in a little money otherwise.

The next year I managed to rent a little farm, in the timber near Sidney Iowa, where I lived for eight years, with verried successes but my health broke down, so much that I had to depend largely upon my boys to cultivate my crops. Feeling that my physical condition was growing worse, I began to look around for something else to do that would give me a living. I had made a great many friends in the county and had become somewhat prominent in the "Grange circles", and all who knew my physical frailties, took a deep interest in my welfare, and through these influences I was induced in the spring of 1874 to run for Clerk of the courts. I had never had any experience in politics, other than to vote, and attend a political meeting once and a while. In National politics I had kept in line, and was well advised along party lines in that direction, but as to local politics, I had paid little attention. I believed that local politics were generally corupt, and that honest men had better keep out entirely.

What was intended to be a two candidate campaign, tirminated in three. Gange,Republican, and Democrat. I tried to do my duty as a political candidate, but I realized from the first that I was a dismal failure. To make a long story short I was beaten by a small margin, by the granger candidate. Of course I felt my defeat very sevirely, moreso on account of my wasting physical energies. My family physician had warned me that I could not stand the winter climate, and do farm work, and as I could see nothing for me in the west outside of my chosen avocation, and after mature reflection concluded to return to my old home in Ind where in case of my death my family would be with relatives, who would look after their welfare. Having made up our minds in that direction we lost no time in puting theory into practice. I sent my family on in the fall, and after selling my stock and other things, followed them in january. Looking at this move in the light of expediency, it proved to be very foolish, as a matter of necessity it was iminently proper. In fact there was nothing elce that we could do, we simply bowed to the inevitable.

One who has lived in the then great west for nine years, and then go back to southern Ind, could never reconcile himself to the conditions that he had to indure. I rebelled, and all of my family rebelled, but my wife, who of all of us was satisfied. During the first three years I never lay down without feeling deep grief in my heart, and an uncontrolably longing for the conditions that I loved so well in the prarie west. Looking around me at the hundreds of men, who were living upon a mear pittance. I could see no opertunities for a man without abundent means to rise above a common clodhopper condition in life.

We finaly puled ourselves to gather, and went to work at whatever our hands found to do, and finaly to farming in the spring, and we made a living and was able to gaine a little. But my health again failed, and I had to look around for something else to do. Wherever I have lived I have always had good warm friends. Friends that were on the watchout for opertunities for me.

A justice of the peace having died in our county seat, my friends insisted that I make an effort to secure the place. At the nomination convention I was defeated, but the nominee died before the spring election, and a caucus was called, and I received the nomination and was elected by a small plurality. I had never paid much attention to court procedure, and practicaly knew nothing about it. Up to my fortyth year I had never sat as a juriman in the trial of a cause, and when I assumed the judicial ermine, it was withmuch trepidation, and fear of myself. While naturaly I had the dignity I lacked the practice to enforce it boldly, and being naturaly timid and concientiously defaults. The lawyers of the city set up a job on me, to try the mettal of the "county justice".

There was acase of unlawful entry and detainer, coupled with a charge of assault upon a woman who was the tenant, by the landlord who was the meanest man in town. The case had been started before another justice, and taken away on a change of venue to another one and from him to me. Under the Ind law more than one change of may be taken. The intention from the first was to get it to me.

The trial was held in the courthouse, and the lawyers insisted that I sit on the judges bench, to which I entered a feeble demurer, but finaly took a seat on that august bench, with fear, and inwardly some trembling.

My recolection that there were five lawyers on the side of the plaintiff, and one, who was the most consumit petifiger, that I ever knew for the defendant. In consummit meanness and intrig he outstriped the character represented by Dickens in his David Copperfield. Of course he objected to evrything, and the first day was consumed in ruling on his objections, but finaly we struck a note that precipitated a cricis. I ruled that the defendant should answer a certain question, and Link told him not to ansere it, which placed me the defendant in contempt of court, and much as I hated it but there was nothing for me to do but to send him to jail, which I did and adjurned court, so that the defendant might enjoy a short period on quiet meditation. It was fortunate that judge Moore came to town that evening, and got into the case, and his influence seemes to have had an immediate effect, as in an hour after his arrival the defendant promised to be good if I would let him out. The next day he came into court, and answered the question, and many more, and the case was given to the jury, who in a short tiem returned a verdict against the defendant as charged. I did not feel a bit good over his trial. I felt that I had been badly treated, the more so that on account of the fact that some of my best friends had taken part in the farce that had humiliated me to some extent, but I will say that I finaly got most of the business. All of the lawyers but Link brought me their business, so that my docked contained many hundreds of cases when my term expired. I will also say that I do not recall a case in which I was reversed by the upper courts. The fact that I received much business from all over the county emphasized my reputation for being a faire minded and impartial Judge.

The latter part of 1879, I applied for a pension. Up to this time I had refused to make any movement in that direction. I went into the army with patriotic motives, and with no expectation of reward in any way of a pension. I had taken the stand that the government should pension all of the baddly wounded soldiers. In fact the soldiers generally gave no thought to this matter when they enlisted, but we did expect, and were given to understand that we would get land warrants, as had the soldiers of othher wars, up to that time.

In Feb 1882 my claim was allowed, and I drew pay that amounted to about $2,400, which was almost a godsend, as we were baddly indebt. On getting money I commenced to look around for a new location, and my love for the west came upon me with much force, as two of the boys were already there. I naturally drifted back to Iowa, where I had formaly {formerly} lived. I bought some lots and built us a small home. The winter of 1882, 3 my old lung trouble was revived, from which I suffered greatly. With the advice of an old fool doctor I made a trip to California, where I received some benefit as to my lungs, but suffered from other army diseases. I remained in Cal six months, and then returned to Iowa. Out of money and out of a job, but I was fortunate in securing a position as local editor on one of our city papers "The Republican."

Though entirely unacquainted with the work, I will say that I suceded reasonably well. While in Cal I had attracted considerable attentin as a correspondent of another city paper. While my earnings were not by any means lucrative, I was able to get through winter reasonably well. My second son Albert had secured a position as a grocery clerk, and he contributed liberaly to the support of the family, otherwise our living would have been seriously curtailed. In the spring of 1884, my name was presented to the people as a candidate for Mayor.

Relatives and people who had formerly known me circulated the information that I had served for several years as a police justice in another state, which in the face of the fact that the encumbent of the mayor's office had proven a great failure, gave zest to my candiancy. I never asked a man to vote for me, or neglected my duties as an editor for a single hour, but my friends were active, as was shown when the votes were counted, which tallied my name two to one against my opponant. A vacancy occured in one of the justice offices, which was handed to me, which enabled me to see my way out of the woods again. That I was acceptable to the people, the fact that I served them as their mayo for Seven consecutive years and as justice of the peace for fifteen years, fully proved. Our children having left us we concluded to move to Omaha where I erected a home. In my new home I was able to be out of doors doing light work in the improvement of our home, raising fruit, and vegetables, and flowers, my health was greatly improved.

In some way it semed that I had been fated for the justice office. I had not been in my new location but a short time till I was again inducted into office.

Human beings at best are lyable to do some very foolish things but when they get old, if left to their own volition they are liable to make some very grave mistakes. My health again gave way and we concluded that a northan climate was too seveir for us, and having a granddaughter who was a tubuculosis invalid, we concluded to go with her to Florida, and having a brother at StCloud we naturally drifted to that place. Where we landed about the 9th of December 1909. The grandaughter failed utterly in about six weeks, and we sent her home to die, but having acquired some property there we had to stay. We had sacrificed our furniture, and there and as we had invested the most of our surplus money we would necessarily have to dispose of our holding{s} there in ordre that might refurnish our house in the north. It was rather a sad plite for two old people to be cought in, and much moreso when we both found that we could not stand that climate. My wife's health utterly failed, and on the 6trh of Sept I had to hurry her north, and I remained to dispose of my property. I had hard work to pull th{r}ough, but managed to keep on my feet till about the 24th of December, when I was luckey enough to sell out at a reasonable figure, but fearing to come north in the middle of the winter, I remained in Florida till the 16th of Febuary 1911, but did not reach home till the 23rd of March. I was very sick on the road, and remained in bad physical condition till the middle of summer. I found my wife sick in bed, which made the outlook for me very gloomy indeed. My Son's wife ((R B Carter died on the 16th of June, which was a sad event for all of us. To us for the reason that we had arranged to make our home in his family. But we met the responsibility bravely, and lived rather hapily to gather, till the last of October when it appeared when it appeared the responsibilities were to{o} great for people of our age, and we broke up. My wife going to our daughter for the winter, if not permanently, and I to my son Albert's house to remain till I could make some disposition of our property.

It has been rather a sad experience for people of our age, but it is one that most old people have to mete, some of them in a much worse way, and it is possible that we ought to accept the situation with commendable resignation. People of our age live largely in the past, and the conditions that have obtained in the social relations of life, are ever reoccuring to them. The difference in that life, and the one that we enjoy now is radically different as night and day.

In our earley days we lived for the future, but now the great majorty live for the day that they know that is theirs. The whole social fabric is a giddy whirl, and a farce. There is very little that is real, and substantial. Eat, drink, and be merry is the slogan that resounds from evry cornner. People go to the theatres and pay their money to hear trained people act the fool. The cronic devotees spend their hard earned money, and get nothing for it. Nothing is remembered by them, they realize that they have been fed on the chafe, and they have no regard for it. The world has produced a few artist{s}, but the great majority are simply amitures, who keep in the lime light by the exercise of small wit, and the exhibition of gaudy dress, but little of that. There was a time when men and women held their auditors spellbound by their logic, and the eloqquent way in which they were able to present it, but now they can rarley get a respectable audience, unles the embelish the logic with a superabundent amount of vaudiville acting.

What the harvest will be we can not even conjecture. We know the fate of Rome, and Carthage, and many other grand civil{iz}ations that have past away, as it were, amid a whirl of social acting and excitement. The inteligence that produced these grand results was crouded out, and trampled under foot, and when that was gone ther was nothing left to build upon. Wise students are predicting already that our grand civil{iz}ation will pass away, and our cities will take their places with the dismantled principalities of Asia. These thoughts will be clased as the vaperings of an old man whose proper place is with the human discard.

I take it that it is the duty of evry man and woman that is born into the world should strive to leave something behind them that will be a benefit to future posterities, but unfortunately the great majority of them are remembered onley by a few associates that knew them for a short time.

My politics have been radicaly along republican lines. My first presidential vote was cast for Abraham Lincolon, of which I am very proud, and I have voted for evry republican president since. I have never seen anything in the other parties that appealed to my sense of justice, patriotism, and statesmanship. During my lifetime the democratic party has left nothing on our National statuts that showed either wisdom, or commendable statesmanship. I am surprised that the oposite party has survived so long, and maintained a power that would indicate that there was force enough to recomend it for a bare possible supremicy, and yet while it has not made a record of good accomplished, in the way of legislation it has exzerted a power that compelled the prevailing party to put forth its best men for office. I do not believe that it is possible to organize a great party that is absolutly pure in all of its parts. I believe that it is absolutly necessary to the perpetuation of our free government. Where the carcase is there will be found the vulturs, and it is not unreasonable that a party long in power should draw to it more than its share of these political potentialities that have appeared in this country during the last fifty years, that to the victor belong the spoiles, and it was understood that the successfull party should reward its henchmen, whether qualified or not, for the position assigned them, and it generaly occured that there were more applicants that positions to be filled, and new places had to be provided. I have known this to oddure in my own party, but being the rule in politics, men of otherwise sturling integrety condoned the wrong by shutting their eyes to the astounding fact. Fifty years ago, the people received their political inspiration from the leading politicians, and invariably waited for them to dispense the political gospel for the ensuing campaign.

This principal prevailed more radicaly in the south than it did in the north. In the south ignorance was bliss, and it was folly to be wise, which was tought from the pulpit, and all political rostrums, which the ignorant people believed and practiced, and it was through this pernitious influence that the leaders in the south was able to prosecute the rebellion to the extent that they did. Very wealthy people in the south ignored, and condemed the newspapers. I remember to have heard a slave owner boast that he had never allowed a newspaper to enter his house. Even now, as I observed in the south, while sojurning there during the last two years, thousands of people never read a newspaper. The progress that has been made in throwing off the spoiles system, and other pernitious influences has been brought about by the influences of the newspapers that have been so widely distributed over the entire country, and the day is neare by when the voters of this country will decide all political questions at his own fireside.

My ancestors were all old line whigs, with one exception, and he was considered a kind of political "misfit" by the ballance of the famalies, and all able bodied men were in the union army. In my earley boyhood, and manhood days my political ideals were Henry Clay, and Daniel Webster, from speaches I invariably made my selections for declamitory distinction at our debates, and memories, and would possibly cut small figure in our political arena of this day, and age. Like George Washington, who was able to controll the military destinies in his day. In comparison with Grant, Sherman, Thomas, and Sheridan would fall below some of our brigade commanders in the late civil war. To some I understand that such a comparison, is more than presumptious, but the facts remain, and are demonstratable.

As to my religious views, and experiences: I will say that at this time my creed, so to speak, is very broad, and takes in evry thing that makes men and women better, morraly, religiously and intillectualy. Mother was the most profoundly concientious christian charactor that I ever knew, or read of. She was a firm believer a providential interfearance in the affares of mankind and could make a divine application of evry condition that the human race is called upon to indure. If dire misfortune overtook any one, she belived that it was a provedental interfearance in our behalf. Her lot in life was, from earley womanhood, attended with the most adverse circumstances, and conditions, all of which she bore with christian resignation, and fortitude. There was not a shadow of deceit, or discimulation, in her conduct, or social intercourse with those who were fortunate enough to come within her influence. In evrything that she said, in the way of conveying information, she invariably qualified her statement, with I believe, or have been told that it is the truth, and she taught me never to be absolutley shure that evrything that I said, when coming to others, was possibly true, and so firmly did she implant this principal in my mind, that even now I often find myself somewhat handicapped in imparting information to others, and I have been criticised by some of my family, for hesitency, in arriving at conclusions. I remember that in my earley boyhood, I invariably qualified any statement that I might make, with "I believe that is so", and I remember that I was frequently laughed at, on account of that expression. I never knew anyone to speak illy of her, in fact evry body love her for her pure christian character, and lovable disposition. When she died, those who looked upon her dead face saw a halo, that to them appeared angelic, which was so apparent that people who saw it, were lothed to leave a presence that appeared so divine. Language failes me to discribe her pure character as I saw and felt it.

I tried hard to imitate, and copy my mothers views, along religious lines, which was hard for me to do, for the reason that she had an emotional nature, while I was radicaly the opposite.

Obeying my mothers teachings, I early identified myself with the methodist church, of which she was a member for more than fifty years, and I tried hard to enter the holy of holies, from which I believed that she received her sublime inspritation, but I could not never do it. Any undue exhibition of religious excitement invaribly chiled, whatever emotional feelings I was able to work up, and on the shores of doubt, and uncertainty, but inspite of all of my doubts, and misgivings I maintained an honorable standing in the church and conducted my walk so circumspectly, that many of the old members of the church picked me out for the ministry, but I never for a moment believed that I had the necessary qualifications to become an exponent of the christian religeon as towght in that day, which was entirely emotional, and a misister who failed to awaken in the hearts of his bearers those feelings was concidered a dismal failure. I recognized the fact that a peculiar influence could onley be felt, and injoyed when the altar was crowded with seekers, of very devoted people, suggested to my mind that it might be a magnettic influecne, that semed to me all to{o} human. For many years I struggled with, and studied these manifestations, of what was called the divine power. I always defended the bible, believing as I did that it made some people better, and made people more civilized, and better citizens. I examined the many new "cults" that have been introduced in my day, but in them I found nothing that satisfied my mind. Speritial manifestations were introduced, and practicied in my immediate vicinity, to which I gave very little attention. I reasoned that if my mother was in the speritual world, and was concious of what was going on upon the earth, she would in some way communicate with her friends, but not through a medium, or person, who was of questionable charactor. Scsience has thrown much light into the dark places. The wonderful development in electricity in my day, and the fact that we are now able to communicate with friends who are thousands of miles away, through the air that we breathe, suggests to my mind that it is possible that there is still hidden, a force that will eventualy lead us on to a higher plain of religious thought, and experience. That it is possible that human beings may find the connecting link that connects the creator with the created, but when we look at the possibility of these things through the light that comes to us through the ceintific annalisis of the physical forces of the system of worlds to which we belong, we get problems, and possibilities that are incomprehensible, and I have settled in my mind, that inasmuch as we cannot understand these wonderfull propositions we had better attend to the things that we know of, and let those things we do not alone. We are borne into this world, not of our volition, but through the intreposition of a force that is trancendantly beyond our explenation, or comprehension, and as we find that we are endowed with trates of character that may be used by us for our weal, or woe. It is encumbent upon us to go forward in the exercise of these faculties, and use them so that we will be able to obtaine the greatis amount of good for our selves, and for those around us, and leave it with the crator to take care of us when we go hhence, I take it that thers I a responsibility resting upon us to improve the talents that have been given us which must have been for a purpose, and it is our duty to improve in some way. To my mind the grandest declaration to be found in the whole bible is that which commands us to do unto others, as we would be done by. If we practice this principal, we will have fulfilled the law, that was intended to govern us while in this state of existence, What we see and know in our earthly life, is all that we can comprehend, as to the existance of another, according to the light and knowledge that he has been able to gather. Then let us be honest, be faithful, love our neighbor as our self, in this life, and we will not be denied any good thing in the life to come, what ever that life may be.

VALEDICTORY

I hereby dedicate the foregoing otobyography to my son Albert S. Carter, to be used by him in anyway that he may think best, and say as a matter of explenation, and excuse of having writen a short sketch of my life, that I have not done it because of any great act that I may have performed, but mostly on account of the fact that I have had little elce to do this winter. I would be glad if I had something of greater importance to write. My life from early boyhood up to the present time has been of the most streneous character, and I do not recall any considerable time that I have not been burdened with hardships, or sorrow. My life a very earley period has been a very busy one. I could never tolerate absolute idleness. My home has been an earthly heaven, and when not engaged I have made it a point to spend my time at home, and while I have been deprived many times of the privelege of enjoying real home life. I had a place to which I could go, and get away from business and from the world, so to speak. My social qualities have never been what average people call brillient, or fairly good. Life with me has been something of a tragedy. I became a little man when I was onley eight years old, and so exacting was the duties that were forced upon me, that it chilled the enthusiasm that usualy inspres the young mind. I have often said that I never was a boy in the general acceptance of the term. I helped to raise my mothers family, and ere I had completed the job I took upon myself or friends, being now well along in my 76th year, and I am glad to be able to say that I feel like that I may survive for some time yet. I have writen these momors from memory without notes, or correction, and without repeating a single line. I opine that there are mistakes in arthography, and gramatical construction, but I think that the work will pass reasonably well for one of my age. My eyesight has been too dim for me to look up, and ascertain if they are artographicaly correct.

Good Bye OMAHA, Feb 19, 1912 Signed, James B. Carter

{This American character died Dec 2, 1916}

Graciously submitted by: Ken Schultz email: mail2ken@earthlink.net

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