|
Chapter
I Setting the Stage
p.3
Since the early
dawn of the century which saw the end of the reign of Elizabeth, England's
greatest monarch, and the acession to her throne of James 'the wisest
fool in Christendom,' the mighty possi- bilities of imperial expansion
set in motion by the explorations of Frobisher, Raleigh, Drake,
Gilbert, Gosnold, and Weymouth had been coming to the next logical step
in their natural development. After discovery occupation must
follow. Within the first decade of the seventeenth century these
adventurous men of our race were crossing the thousand leagues of the
'vast and furious ocean' which separated Europe from the almost unknown
continent of North America. Beginning the year before the senile
queen 'of famous memory' was on her death-couch, the earliest colony
set out from Falmouth, County Cornwall, to make a trial of settlement
on the shores of New England. Each succeeding year marked the
departure of a like expedition to get a foothold on our dangerous and
forbidding littoral. Failure followed failure of these persistent
voyagers to accomplish their designs of permanency. The rigorous
winter climate to which they were not enured helped to cool their
enthusiasm to conquer it after enjoying the novel delights of our
spring, summer and autumn temperatures. Gosnold who
first
p.4
essayed in 1602 to challenge the sovereignty of
this region for the abode of the white man, retired in good order after
a few months at Cuttyhunk on the Elizabeth Islands. Pring in 1603
established a short acquaintance with the harbor which was to become
the permanent home of an experimental socialist plantation
seventeen years later, but he, too, gracefully retired when the early
frosts reminded him of that season when a white Christmas was the
inevitable programme of the forces of Nature with which they could not
com- fortably cope. In 1605, Weymouth added to their needed
knowledge of the topography of the Maine coast, planted crosses here
and there in token of seizure in the name of his sovereign and laid the
foundation for the first serious attempt to occupy the claims he had
staked out. He also joined the list of temp- orary sojourners on
our rocky coast-line.
The year 1607 witnessed two determined
attempts to solve this growing problem of acquiring a
permanent foothold for the Englishmen on this continent. Already
the French had solved it in Canada and the Spanish in Florida, and it
came to be a race for empire from 34 degrees to 45 degrees North
Latitude, or fight. Two chartered companies set out in
the spring of this year - one under the patronage of the Plymouth or
Northern Company for the better-known and more explored territory of
the Maine coast. Three vessels, the Sarah Constant, the Discovery and
the Goodspeed took colonists to the James River in Virginia and began
the Southern Colony at Jamestown. The pleasant climate of
that region contributed to the success of this planting and it became
the first permanent settlement of Englishmen in our present national
limits.
p.5
Simultaneously from Plymouth, under the
patronage of the Lord Chief Justice of England and Sir Ferdin- ando
Gorges, the Gilberts and other West-Country men, two vessels, the Mary and
John and the Gift of God - turned their prows hopefully to the 'stern
and rock-bound coast' of Maine where the Kennebec empties its waters
into broad Atlantic. Theirs was the more difficult task and was
undertaken by men almost unfitted for the serious task. The
leader, Captain George Popham, of Bridgewater, of three score years and
ten, was chosen to promote an enterprise that called for the vigor of
youth. He died during the first winter and his bones remain
unlocated on the bleak and rocky promontory of Sabino, overlooking the
restless ocean which he had recently crossed. No more uninviting
spot could have been chosen for the site of a colony. Yet it
survived an exceptionally severe winter with no other casualty and a
fort was constructed for permanent protection. The little colony
continued to function during the following spring and summer, but the
ships sent to England for supplies brought back news of the death of
Chief Justice Popham, its chief supporter and of another patron, brother
of Raleigh Gilbert, Esq., of Marldon, Devon, who had been chosen
Vice-Governor of the Colony, and these events with other con- tributing
causes resulted in the abandonment of this first well-organized plan to
conquer the relentless winter climate of New England among its barren
spaces. This failure was attributed to these natural obstacles to
successful planting of a colony in that region and practically ended for
the next decade all concerted attempts to win that inhospitable region
to serve the uses of the white man. The 'sea dogs'
p.6
of Devon had solved the initial factors in the problem
of bringing this continent to the knowledge of their nation, but had
not been able to utilize its vast potentialities for the service of
mankind.
The reputation of that region as a home for Englishmen was
blasted by the failure of the Popham Colony to maintain occupation
beyond a twelvemonth, albeit the abandonment was in reality due to
internal and personal causes and not to insurmountable external
elements. Nevertheless, one great source of attract- ion became
the magnet which continued to draw these dauntless mariners to our coast
yearly in the in- creasing numbers. They came in by the score to
lure wealth from the virgin fishing grounds where, cod- fish were so
plentiful that, as one expressed it, they 'pestered' the vessels in
shoals. Soon there grew up fishing stations and permanent
establishments at Monhegan, Pemaquid and Darmariscove, where the curing
of fish became a valuable industry. Vessels from the Southern Colony
at Jamestown came hither to obtain sea-food for their winter
subsistence and the coast of Maine was a busy place in the height
of the fishing season. To abandon such a source of wealth to the
savages or to their European rivals was a concession to weakness which
was not a fundamental quality in the spirits of men who could ride
the waves for weeks to reach this new land. Again in 1616 one of
the great figures in the colonization movements of the past, Sir
Ferdinando Gorges, determined to verify his belief that this winter
climate of Northern Virginia - as it was then called, was inhabitable
by Englishmen. He sent a party to spend the winter months at the
mouth of the Saco River, and when they came back in the spring to tell
their experiences, the old accepted legend was permanently
shattered. Henceforth it was judged to be suitable for occupancy
the year round and the great fishing fleets confirmed it by establishing
quarters for their industries on the Maine coast.
p.7
Meanwhile developments went on apace in natural
sequence. The little band of religious zealots who had left their
native land in 1610 for religious freedom in Holland began to think of
their future under an alien flag, and fell to considering a second
migration to the unsettled continent beyond the Western ocean where
they could once more live under their own flag and bring up their children
in the language of their fathers. Over there they could have land
in plenty, start life anew as Englishmen, and found a religious colony
modeled on their own design. In 1620 they came in the immortal ship,
the Mayflower from Leyden, reenforced by threescore and more of London
folks to join them in establishing a socialist plantation financed by
Merchant Adventurers of the great city. The story of these first
'Pilgrims' is too well known to be retold here; but the unsanitary
conditions of travel at sea, the lack of proper food causing scurvy,
and the rigors of winter brought a toll of fifty victims the first winter
- half the little company unsheltered in their poorly constructed
shacks or huddled in the stuffy cabins of the ship. Yet they were
forced to remain to conquer or die. They had burned their bridges
behind them in Holland and could not return to England where they would
be questioned for religious contumacy. Reenforced the next year by
additions of nearly twoscore Londoners from a second ship, the Fortune,
and in 1623 by a third ship, the Anne, the loss in numbers was more
than made up, and for the next seven years they prospered and slowly
grew to be the largest body of Englishmen in one settlement on the
coast of Massachusetts. Small and casual parties of the
courageous breed of
p.8
Englishmen followed them
hither to lay claim to the soil for themselves and for the glory of the
Kingdom. Settlements were made in Weymouth (1623), at Braintree
(1623), at Winnisimmet, Nantasket and in Boston Harbor (1624), and
Naumkeag (1624), Shawmut (1624), and Mishawum (1625) - little clearings in
the great forest that fringed the coast-line from Cape Cod to Cape
Ann. Contemporaneously the mouth of the Piscataquua gave
hospit- ality to like squatters in that region and so formed a
connecting link with the busier settlements now growing larger and more
important on the Maine coast. At Damariscove Island a fully equipped
settlement of fishermen protected by a palisade of logs ten feet high,
bade defiance to Indian arrows and French muskets. Monhegan was
the farthest outpost to the eastward. These were all individual
groups independ- ent of each other and in splendid isolation the band
of religious sectaries from Leyden held themselves apart from all of
them, for these other settlers were 'worldly people' brought up in the
rites of the Established Church and having no sympathy with or part in
the programme of the Plymouth Separatists. Perhaps the total of all
these groups would number five hundred souls, subjects of the King, but
bound together by no other ties. They cut little or no figure in
the national consciousness and were scarcely mentioned in the talk of
the times beyond the counting houses of the merchants who were
financially interested in the several ventures at these scattered
points. Patents of territory had been taken to cover some of
these enterprises, but they added nothing to the importance of the
squatter sovereignty to which they belonged. Some of
these patents were never confirmed or completed by actual
settlement and others of them had limits impossible to define
p.9 or were overlapped by grants that had little reverence to
prior occupancy.
Thus, by gradual and persistent effort to overcome
baffling obstacles hitherto unknown to Englishmen, the coast of
Massachusetts came gradually into the actual possession of white men in
the space of twenty seven years after Gosnold had made his summer
residence on Cuttyhunk. All these successive footholds gained by
venturous Britons made the background and setting for the larger and more
important act in the drama of American colonization - the Great
Migration of 1603, from another part of England which hitherto had not
shared in the preliminary scenes here related.
The Winthrop Fleet
of 1630
by Charles Edward Banks 1854-1931
published Boston 1930
Chapter II
The Background
p.10
What had been going on
in the material life of England since the accession of James, in the
extension and expansion of its commercial interests overseas and the
consciousness of the imperial destiny in seeking for new outlets for
the national growth, was having its parallel in the spiritual development
of the age. The effects of the Reformation, first finding
definite expression less than a century before, were being formulated
slowly, characteristic of the English mentality. Reforming the
religious habits of generations was a halting and painful process for
our ancestors, and the Church 'by law established,' having inherited
the status of the old Papal organization with its compact body of
ecclesiastics, was always prepared to battle for their prerogatives
under any system of theology. This period, well up to 1600 was
occupied by the protesting element to slough off all the remnants of
Romish rites, while Catholic Mary and Protestant Elizabeth were engaged
in killing off each other's heretics. But the domination of
foreign friars and alien abbots had practically ceased when the new
century opened. The release from their sordid grip gave
opportunities, untrammeled, for that religious freedom which the people
were too ignorant and unprepared to use with discretion. It became a
fresh and unlimited field for the exploitation of the self-educated
theologians unrestrained by the authorities. The Bible placed in
the hands of the common people became the fount and source of myriads of
whimsical doctrines fashion- ed out of 'Holy Writ' and interpreted by
these amateur expositors.
These reformers undertook not only
p.11
to transform and destroy the symbolism of the Church,
but to recon- struct the fundamental doctrines of Christian
theology. The liturgy of the Mass was revamped by ex- cising
every Romish rite and often transforming it into a meaningless
gesture. The sacrament of bapt- ism furnished the mose fertile
field for the ingenuity of unlettered Biblical microscopists and
Pedo- baptists, Anabaptists and Se-Baptists emerged from this welter of
verbal tergiversations on that funda- mental of Christianity
alone. Of course, the Holy Communion was stripped of its attributes
in adoration of the real Presence as taught by the Romish Church and
with them went most of the respectful conduct of of the protesting
sects toward this rite during its solemnization. These antagonists
not only refused to partake of the Lord's Supper, but to show their
hostility refused to take off their hats while it was being
administered. Absence from the church services naturally followed
and during the first quarter of this century, the Archdeacons' Courts
were busy dealing with acts of contumacy ranging from non-attendance at
worship to acts of disrespect during the services. The Bishops'
Courts were equally busy in dealing with the acts of the delinquent
clergy. The situation favored the loosening of all be- liefs in
doctrines and ceremonies. The laity were not 'persecuted,' as is the
common legend. They were dealt with by the local ecclesiastics
and merely given reprimands, orders to make public confession of their
fault, or excommunication if recalcitrant. The clergy were subjected
to more serious hazards, as in disobeying the church laws they were
violating their oaths given at ordination, and it is to be re- membered
that Chruch and State being one they were breaking the laws of the
realm. These refractory ministers who refused to follow the canon
law and disobeyed the orders of the Bishop with respect to the
sacraments were fined and sometimes imprisoned if they
proved
p.12
recalcitrant. Being deprived of their
appointments, their means of living was taken away. While many of
the clergy were sincere in their opposition to the constituted
authorities, the disturbances of the times gave opportunities for
clerical demagogues to play up to the prejudices of the mob and
stage spectacular scenes in churches. In one place the town
authorities employed one of these mountebanks as preacher to harangue
the people in the afternoons. He would use the sermon delivered in
the morning by the Vicar as a text for his lampoons and make sport of
it in coarse and ribald language. He was tried before the Bishop,
found guilty of disorderly conduct and then fled to New England as a
"perse- cuted' clergyman to escape his fines.
In no section of
England was the spirit of hostility to the Established Church more widely
spread and more deeply ingrained than in the section known as East
Anglia, comprising the counties of Norfolk, Suffolk and Essex. Of
course there were no exact comital lines which embraced these Puritan
sectaries, as the adjoining counties of Cambridge, Herts, Middlesex and
London itself were inoculated with the
same 'heresies.' Cambridge University was the Alma
Mater of most of the dissenting clergy and certainly of the vast
majority of those ministers who emigrated to New England. They were
the 'scofflaws' of their generation and became the irreconcilable
intolerants in the religious discussions of the first quarter of that
century. East Anglia became the early nursery of the dissenters and
the consistent supporter of the clandestine congregations which grew up
in that region. They were called by several names - Brownists,
Independents, Separatists; but by whatever title known, although
differeing in methods and dogmas, they were unanimous in opposition to
the Established Church and generally at loggerheads with each
other. Out of this region
p.13 were enlisted the first
volunteers of that great army of emigrants who shook the dust of England
from their feet in the twenty years preceding the death of King Charles
(1649).
It is not, however, a correct assumption to picture these
emigrants as leaving their ancestral homes because of the religious
unrest of the times. Only a portion of them were motivated by this
reason and it is doubtful if it were the real preponderating influence
om this great movement. There were other substantial factors
operating, economic and social. The majority of these people were of
the yeoman class who for generations had been the tenantry of the
nobility and landed gentry. They did not live - they simply
vegetated, hopeless of any improvement in their condition socially or
materially, and doomed to support indefinitely a class of parasites set
over them by a monarchical form of government. The Manorial System
perpetuated a social slavery whereby landlords drained the earnings of
their tenants whose lives were spent in the working for their masters
and who died as poor as they began. The servile section of the
clergy preached to these patient plodders the doctrine of Christian
resignation and acceptance of the lot in which Providence had place
them. It was a contemptible part of the 'system' which helped to
condemn the so-called 'lower classes' to hopeless serfdom with the
sanction of theChruch and the approval of Holy Writ. Only in rare
instances could a tenant become a freeholder, and, coincident with the
acquirement of his spiritual freedom, these downtrodden yeomen came to
sense their opportunity for material liberty, their right to profit by
the toil of their hands. This right was being gradually
recognized as invevitable during the reign of James the First, and when
Charles the First came to the throne, his extreme views of the Royal
Prerogative began to wreck
p.14 their newly acquired
privileges. The extravagances of Charles' Court and his imposition
of taxes with out the authority of Parliament to meet these excessive
charges led to resistance from all classes. Large and small freeholders
were the victims of taxation illegally laid on their holdings. In
this class were the recently emancipated tenants, who found themselves
taxed unjustly by a King who flouted their Parliament and set up an
arbitrary government. It presaged civil war.
Among the other
restless spririts were those whose land hunger was not satisfield.
They could not be- come free men in the fullest meaning. They
knew of the great continent across the Atlantic where a hundred acres
would be given to each and every settler - a king's ransom in their
vocabulary and almost beyong their conception as a reality. Their
they would, indeed, be free to enter into a new existence unhampered by
the dead hand of precedents and the remorseless exactions of the landed
gentry. Although technically the plantations in this new country
would be under the jurisdiction of the English authorities, yet they would
inevitably become disentangled from all the traditions of the past,
and the opportunity to establish a liberal commonwealth was the great
aspiration of those who had the courage to break away from the land of
their fathers, cross an uncharted ocean, and encounter unknown perils
from a savage race and from the wild beasts of the trackless
forests. This is the background out of which the Great Emigration
emerged.
The Winthrop Fleet
of 1630
by Charles Edward
Banks
published Boston
1930
Chapter 3 Preparing for the
Hegira
p.15
The ways and means by which these various eager
and restless spirits were organized for this great adventure and became
the dramatis personae of transcendental importance deserve parti- cular
study. It must be borne in mind that, while they became pioneers of
a distinct ex- odus of people from their ancestral homes, they were not
the first who had essayed this try- ing ordeal on the American
coast. English colonists had made homes for themselves in
Virg- inia since 1607 and prospered, and for ten years the little band
of Pilgrims at Plymouth had struggled and won a foothold on the drear
and infertile coast in what is now known as the Old Colony. The
accomplishments of these hardy tenants of an inhospitable region,
scarcely numbering more than a few hundred, had made no distinctive
impression upon the knowledge of Englishmen. The Plymouth
Plantation was almost unknown and scarcely ever mentioned in the daily
life and conversation of the common people of England. In
a sense, therefore, those to whom was presented the project of joining
an emigration movement across the Atlantic considered it a novel
idea. But little printed material was available on
the subject. The few 'narratives' on the Virginia and Plymouth
settlements rarely found read- ers in the small parishes of the English
countryside. What little these yeomen knew of the country which
came to be called 'New England' filtered down to them through the medium
of local clergy, especially those who were becoming detached from their
loyalty to the est- ablished religion. These vicars and curates
who were beginning to feel the
p.16
restraining hand of the
hierarchy on their growing habits of nonconformity to the rites
and doctrines of the Established Church were indirectly the instigators
of this migratory move- ment. It was these ecclesiastical
recusants who had brought down on themselves the dis- ciplinary
machinery of the Church for their contumacy, and finding their functions
suspend- ed their incomes cut off, and their civil status imperiled,
encouraged the hope of greater opportunities in a new land to carry on
their independent ministrations beyond the reach of the King's and
Lord's officials. Yet with this generalization we do not answer
the natural inquiry as to the methods by which individuals in widely
separated parts of England, were gathered in one group under
acknowledged leaders to take part in this self-imposed exile from their
homes and native land. The historic index points unerringly to the
Rever- end John White, of Dorsetshire, England, as the earliest and
most important original factor among the influences which led up to
this new colonizing company. Generally known as the 'Patriarch of
Dorchester' [England], he had been continuously at the head of various
organ- ized companies as well as unorganized movements to effect
settlements on the Massachusetts coast. This work he began in
1623 with the Dorchester Company, which took possession of Cape Ann as a
site for a colony, and thereafter he was identified with every like
develop- ment on the coast, and was interested in every company that
finally became merged success- ively into this last great venture in
1629 - the Massachusetts Bay Company. White was a conforming
Puritan of liberal views. He recognized the need of the Established
Church and believed that the emigration of these Dissenters to a new
country not only would afford a remedy for their grievances, but answer
the growing pressure
p.17
of adverse economic
conditions. He further believed it would be an indirect advantage
to England itself in relieving it of the agitations of a dissatisfied
element, restoring peace at home and at the same time giving the
emigrants a safety valve for their opposition to expend itself.
His whole thought was to employ this means to heal a growing
discontent, spiritual and material, which was plaguing the English
people. In later years he is found condemning the excesses of
these people in Massachusetts in their persecution of others in the
name of religion.
In support of his early plans for the settlement
of the coast of Massachusetts Bay, he had enlisted scores of prominent
men in the West Country - Dorset, Somerset, and Devon -
as stockholders. Among them was Colonel John Humphrey son of
Michael Humphrey, gentleman, of Chaldon, County
Dorset. Colonel Humphrey was a familiar figure in London
and connected by marriage with Lord de la Warr and the Pelham family,
both associated with colonization projects. For his third wife
Humphrey married in 1630 the Lady Susan Fiennes, daughter of the Earl
of Lincoln, sister of the Lady Arbella, wife of Isaac Johnson, and of like
kin- ship to John Gorges, the son of Sir Ferdinando. Thus a
definite contact can be established between the earliest colonizing
projects started by White and this last one, the goal of his
efforts. It is possible to visualize the association of Humphrey
with the Earl of Lincoln's family connection which played such an
important part in the development of this climax of White's work.
Through it we can account for Thomas Dudley, a retainer of the Earl,
but a native of Northamptonshire, as a passenger in this fleet.
Sempringham
p.18
in Lincolnshire, the seat of the Earl, had
already the year before sent forth to Salem in New England its Rector,
the Reverend Samuel Skelton, and thus, like a pebble thrown into
a pool, the influence of John White of Dorchester [England] reached out
in widening ripples.
Just how Winthrop was drawn into the project
is uncertain. He was a late recruit in the scheme. In fact,
the Massachusetts Bay Company had been in existence a year and a
half before the name of the elder Winthrop appears on the
records. Prior to that, however, in April, 1628, John Winthrop,
Jr., had under consideration the plan of going to New England on some
sort of an expedition thither for business or investigation. In a
letter to his father at that time he wrote: "For my voyage to New
England, I doe not resolve, (especially following my Uncle [Emanuel]
Downing's advice), except I misse the Straightes (Gibraltar) but I will
stay till you have sold the land though I misse of both.'
Thus New England had been discussed in the family circles.
Three
months later the younger Winthrop was at Leghorn on his voyage to
Mediterranean ports, and that was the end of that earlier idea of going
to New England. The seed, however, was working and in his
frequent visits to London as one of the attorneys of the Court of
Wards and Liveries, the elder Winthrop would be brought into contact
through his brother-in-law [Emanuel] Downing, not only with some of the
active members of the newly chartered Company of the Massachusetts Bay,
particularly Isaac Johnson, but with other like projects in
the Carribean Islands undertaken by his kinsman and county
neighbors. His son Henry (Winthrop) had already gone to the
Barbados to establish himself in that island colony. The
times were beginning to be stirring politically.
The
p.19
King had dissolved Parliament, which was not to
meet again for more than a decade, and he was sorting out the lukewarm
among his subjects as well as his open enemies for reprisals. Writing
to his wife in May, 1629, the Squire of Groton Manor [John Winthrop]
poured out his apprehensions as to the future of the country and his
own fortunes. 'I am verilye per- suaded God will bring some heavye
Affliction upon this lande and that speedylie.' The blow fell
upon him the next month when he was deprived of his office of Attorney in
the Court of Wards and Liveries, with its large and welcome fees and
this, added to his financial burden, caused him to exclaim to his wife,
'Where we shall spend the rest of our short tyme I knowe not: the
Lorde, I trust, will direct us in mercye.' At this critical time, in
his anxiety for his own future, and argument in manuscript, 'Reasons
for and against settling a planta- tion in New England,' was circulated
among the group of Puritans who were known to have supported the
colonization projects begun by White. A copy came to the notice of
Winthrop and at his request his son Forth made a copy for the
Governor's use.
By the summer of 1629, Winthrop had practically
decided to throw in his lot with the Massa- chusetts Bay Company.
His reasons as stated in his family letters were the constantly
in- creasing expenses of a grown and growing family with no prospects
of additional income and the urgency of the stockholders in the Company
that he undertake the leadership of the organization. 'If he lett pass
this opportunitie,' he recorded on a personal memorandum, 'that talent
which God
p.20
hath bestowed uppon him for publicke service
is like to be buried.' Whether this pessi- mistic view of
his chances of development and success at home was justified is an
unanswer- able question, but it is clear that his decision was based on
material rather than spirit- ual grounds. He said nothing that
indicates his dissatisfaction with the Established Church. In
none of his later writings has he left any suggestion that
ecclesiastical persecution or distasteful teachings or ritualistic
practices influenced his decision to sell the family manor and the
comforts of its appointments to start life anew in an un- known
continent. By his own testimony it was a question of pounds,
shillings and pence, of a decreasing income and an unfavorable balance
sheet, which led him to flee from a political and economic situation
which others remained to fight and win in the end. It is pure
speculation to surmise what he might have become in the next decade as the
Puritan power became dominant. A lawyer of his talents and
character might have been among the chief advisers of Cromwell and
after the death of Charles one of the great officers of State.
In
July, 1629, a few weeks after he had lost his office, Winthrop and his
brother-in-law, Emanuel Downing, attended a meeting at Sempringham by
invitation of Isaac Johnson, the husband of the Lady Arbella, to
discuss the subject of emigration to America, either New England or the
West India islands. The decision favored the former place, and on
August 26, at a second conference in the University town of Cambridge,
Sir Richard Saltonstall, Thomas Dudley, William Vassell, Nicholas West,
Increase Nowell, Isaac Johnson, John Humphrey Thomas Sharpe, John
Winthrop, William Colburne, Kellam Browne, and William Pynchon
concluded an agreement to go to New England by
the
p.21
first of the following March (1629/30), with their
families and personal property, and establish a plantation there for
permanent settlement. Thus John Winthrop, Lord of the Manor of
Groton, came at last to the turning-point of his career and,
casting his lot with these men, soon attained leadership. His
name has become attached to the fleet which was the first fruits of the
great project that resulted in the Puritan settle- ment of New
England.
Winthrop's first attendance was at a meeting of the
Company October 15, 1629, and five days later he was chosen Governor
'for his integritie & sufficiencie.' Humphrey was
elected Deputy Governor at the same meeting, at which the Reverend John
White was present, showing his continued interest in the plans and his
support of them. From this date forward the ensuing six months
were busy times for the promoters. They were employed in spreading
far and wide the gospel of emigration and signing up recruits for the
passenger list. Naturally the 'underground telegraph' of what was
in prospect reached all sorts of persons ready for the adventure, for
one reason or another, but it found responses more readily among
those sympathetically inclined to Puritan and Separatist ideas.
The Dissenting and Separatist clergy were already in touch with each
other and were early informed of the nature and purposes of the
project, and those who were out of a job or earning a precarious living
by school teaching or holding services surreptitiously in private
houses were thought to be fit subjects for the new propaganda, but they
did not join this first great hegira. Archbishop Laud, their Nemesis
later, had not come into power when this movement was being
organized, and not for several years later were the clergy harried by
his Grace and his High Commission Court. Only two regular
glergymen came with Winthrop - the Reverend John Wilson, a native of
Windsor, Berkshire, who had been preaching at Sudbury, Suffolk [England]
and the Rever- end George Phillips, similarly employed at Boxford in
the same county, within six miles of each other with Groton between the
two. Their inclusion in this company may be credited to the
personal influence of Winthrop, and Phillips was a fellow passenger in the
Arbella.
The Michaelmas and Hilary Assizes of 1629 at Bury St.
Edmunds, always largely attended by the yeomanry of the county, gave
Winthrop an opportunity to meet many persons who would be informed of
the proposed plantation in New England, and thus the gospel of a new
country where land could be had freely and held in fee simple was
placed before the tenantry of Suffolk under favorable circumstances and
with good results. While it was generally understood that the
leaders of this movement were sympathizers with the reform element in
the Established Church, yet this feature was not presented as an
inducement, and from what is known of subsequent happenings, it is
clear that a considerable part of the passengers of the Winthrop Fleet
were loyal to the English Church and had no intent or desire to be a
part of any scheme that pretended otherwise. A contemporary writer
alleged that 'divers went under the Umbrella of
Religion.' Many of them never joined the
Puritan churches, nor became Freemen after their arrival.
That
the whole task of advertising the programme of the Company did not devolve
on Winthrop is in evidence, but we have knowledge of his writing
personal letters to 'prospects' in various parts of England. In
London, where the work
p.23
of preparation was centered, the
labor was done by a few at Governor Cradock's house on Cannon Street
near London Stone. Deputy Governor [Thomas] Goffe's house on East
Cheap, Isaac Johnson's residence in Soper Lane, Mr. Increase Nowell's
house in Philpot Lane near- by, and doubtless Emanuel Downing's house
in Peterborough Court, off Fleet Street (where Winthrop made his home
in the City), were the centers of much missionary work among
persons inquiring about the new colony overseas. It is doubtful
if printed appeals were circulated by the promoters, yet a diarist of
the period stated that 'Books of Incouragement' were distrubuted in
various parts of England; but if so, none have survived, and the writer
may refer to tracts that were printed after their departure.
Nevertheless, the work of the promoters was well done by word of mouth,
and toward the end of the campaign they were able to exercise their
privilege of rejecting some applicants and of making choice of
certain artisans who would be necessary in establishing a new
colony.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Transcribed
by Janice Farnsworth
The Winthrop Fleet
of 1630
by
Charles Edward Banks
published
Boston 1930
Chapter IV
Expense of Travel
and Supplies
p.24
Passenger travel across the North Atlantic
Ocean, which is now one of the great enter- prises of maritime
business, may with truth be said to have started with the departure
of the Winthrop Fleet. It carried, as has been stated, the
largest number of Englishmen sailing as passengers in one body across
the Atlantic up to that event. There had been no occasion for
such a large group of emigrants to require the services of a fleet
of vessels. Since that event there has been constant movement of
vessels carrying passengers between the European and American
shores. The maritime interests of England were entirely concerned
with exports and imports and passenger travel was merely incidental to
this ex- tensive overseas trade. Ships were not built to
accomodate travelers and those who desired to visit foreign countries
had to adjust themselves to the inconveniences of a freight- carrying
vessel.
Nor had this new traffic as yet resulted in any
modification of the interior construction of vessels to make them more
comfortable for their human freight. The eleven vessels secured
for carrying the Great Migration were the ordinary freighters of the
period. There were certain vessels engaged in the wine trade to
the Mediterranean ports, which by reason of their occupation, were
specially constructed and were known as 'sweet ships,' as they were
unusually well caulked and always dry. The Mayflower was of this
type and it is probable that the vessels of the Winthrop Fleet on
which passengers were mainly carried were selected from this class of
traders. A certain number of them carried only horses,
cattle, and small stock.
p.25
The construction and model
of these ships are shown in the accompanying illustrations of a typical
craft of the early seventeenth century. The bow with the high
forcastle deck was occupied by the seamen before the mast, and the
still higher poop deck on the stern which covered the cabin sheltered
the quarters of the officers. The space between these
two towering structures, or 'between decks,' which was open on small
vessels or fitted with a deck and a hold in large craft, was used for
the cargo, the ordnance and stowing of the long boats. In this
part of the ship, as we learn from Winthrop's story, 'some cabins' had
been constructed, probably rough compartments of boards for women and
children, while hammocks for the men were swung from every available
point of vantage. We may be assured that Lady Arbella Johnson and
some of 'the better quality' had special quarters in the cabins, as
we are told that they were changed to the lower deck for safety during
the threatened hostilities, meaning the 'hold' or 'between decks.'
It may be left to the imagination how the sanitary needs of the
passengers were met in ordinary weather with smooth seas. It would be
merely speculation to know how the requirements of nature were met in
prolonged storms for the women and children were kept under the
hatches.
The number of passengers in the Winthrop Fleet will be
discussed elsewhere, but in addition to the number of 'souls'
comprising the emigrants were the officers and crews of the several
ships. It is recorded that the Arbella (350 tons) was 'manned with
fifty-two seamen,' but the number of officers is not given, probably
not less than fifteen of all ranks. This is the only basis we
have for estimating the number of persons engaged in navigating the
eleven ships and it must be necessarily proximate. For all the
circumstances of the problem it may be assumed that the Arbella was the
largest ship
p.26
and with that allowance not less than four
hundred officers and seamen manned the entire fleet and, thus figured,
there were not less than eleven hundred stowed away in these
ships, perhaps an average of a hundred to each one.
The cost of
transportation overseas for passengers was somewhat of a new problem in
mari- time reckoning, as the length of the voyage was always uncertain,
sometimes ranging in length from six to twelve weeks. The people
emigrating in this Fleet were to be carried under an arrangement with
the Company 'at the rate of 5 li. a person.' William Wood,
a contemporary writer, said on this point: 'Every man have
ship-provisions allowed him for his five pounds a man, which is Salt
Beefe, Porke, Salt Fish, Butter, Cheese, Pease Pottage, Water-grewell,
and such kind of Victuals, with good Biskets, and
sixe-shilling Beere.' This of course, was for adults, and for
children the following schedule of relative fares was
provided:
Sucking children not to be reckoned; such as under 4
yeares of age, 3 for one [fare]; under 8, 2 for one; under 12, 3 for
2.
It is understood that each emigrant traveled at his own expense
for himself and those de- pendent upon him, and it should be here
explained in this connection that there were four classes of emigrants:
(1) those who paid for their passage over; (2) those who had
some profession, art or trade and were to receive remuneration for same
in money or grants of land; (3) those who paid a part of their passage
and were to labor at the rate of three shillings a day after arrival in
repayment; (4) indentured servants were carried at the expense of
their masters, who were to receive in return fifty acres of land for each
servant transported. This was similar
p.27
to the
plan adopted in Virginia to encourage the bringing over of settlers.
The cost of transportation was an important item in the consideration
of the average tenant farmer or artisan, as the single fare reckoned at
present values would be six or eight times as much, relatively, and was
almost prohibitive for a large family.
In addition to the fares for
passage the cost of shipping household goods increased the financial
problem for the emigrant. It was necessary to carry these things as
there was no way of obtaining them in an unsettled country. The
rate for this service was fixed at '4 li a tonn for goods.' For
the average Puritan family of eight persons, with a ton of freight, the
cost of the trip would be about thirty pounds, or nearly a thousand
dollars in our present money.
In what manner the Lares and
Penates of the passengers reached their destination may be sur- mised
from the unfamiliarity of these husbandmen and artisans from East Anglia
and London with the perils of the deep. Very few of them had ever
left the shores of the 'tight little isle' and they were ignorant of
the inadequacy of these absurdly small craft in the trough of the
mountainous Atlantic seas developed in her savage moods. A
contemporay writer speaks of the giant waves 'hurling their unfixed
goods from place to place,' from lack of proper stowage.
The
present descendants of our first settlers have scant conception and
practically no actual knowledge of the conditions which their
ancestors experienced in making the long trans-Atlantic voyage from
England to the American continent. The most that is
understood and appreciated is the diminutive size of the vessels and
the long and hazardous passage
p.28
required under the best
conditons to reach the 'stern and rock-bound coast' of New England. The
character and size of the vessels which composed this fleet have been
described prev- iously. Beyond that nothing definite is known as
to their living accomodations, their food supplies and their existence
under the uncomfortable conditions in cramped quarters.
In addition
to the medical men emigrating as passengers - Doctors Gager and Palsgrave
- there were undoubtedly physicians on each of the ships, which carried
a considerable number of passengers, in accordance with maritime
law. This medical service was an extra charge amounting to 2s 6d
for each person covering the voyage. The regulations of the Guild
of Barber Surgeons of that date (Sec.47) specified that the 'furniture
(instruments, medicines, etc.) of surgeons employed at sea should be
examined before sailing.' The duties and quali- fications of this
official are thus defined by Captain John Smith in his Accidence
for Young Seamen (London, 1626, p.3):
"The Chirurgeon is
exempted from all duty but to attend the sicke and cure the wounded;
and good care would be had that he have a Certificate from the
Barber-Surgeons Hall for his sufficiency, and also that his Chest bee
well furnished both for Physicke and Chirurgery and so neare as may be
proper for the clime you goe for, which neglect hath beene a losse of
many a mans life."
In the then existing state of medical knowledge
there was little scientific information re- garding one of the great
dangers of ocean voyages - the certainty of scurvy appearing if
the voyage extended over six weeks without the opportunity of obtaining
fresh vegetables. This morbid shadow hung over every project of
overseas exploration and proved to be the undoing of many an expedition
to unknown shores across the Atlantic.
p.29
It placed its
deadly hand on the expeditons of Drake, Raleigh and Gilbert, and only
ten years before the Winthrop Fleet started, half of the Mayflower
Pilgrims died of scorbutic starvation during the first months after
their arrival in Plymouth. There was little accurate knowledge
of the cause of this dietary disease. It was vaguely understood that
the lack of fresh vegetables was one of the factors in its causation,
but they had no means of supplying this deficiency on prolonged
voyages. It seems that Winthrop himself had been advised on this
subject, for we find him writing back to his wife to bring 'a gallon
of Scurvy grasse to drink a litle 5: or 6: morninges together, with
some saltpeter dissolved in it & a litle grated or sliced
nutmege.' While limes and lemons were procurable
their usefulness as prophylactics in scurvy was little known except
among those who followed the sea. Their main reliance was on
beer, which was therapeutically sound judgement, as it served both to
allay thirst and as a mild anti-scorbutic. Water could not be
preserved sweet and potable on these long voyages. For this
reason we find that in the list of provi- sions for the Arbella
forty-two tuns of beer were provided for the passengers of that
ship (about ten thousand gallons). There is nothing to indicate
that limes or lemons were carried, as numbers fell victims to scurvy on
the voyage and many after arrival died from the lack of proper
preventives. This disease persisted for several months after
landing, causing continuous mortality and it was not until the return
of the Lyon in the spring,
p.30
bringing a supply of lemons,
that the progress of the disease was checked.
The Arbella also
carried fourteen tuns of drinking water (thirty-five hundred
gallons), two hogsheads of 'syder,' and one hogshead of vinegar.
This supply of fluids was their rations for twelve weeks. For
solid food this ship carried sixteen hogsheads of meat, of which there
was beef (eight thousand pounds) pork (twenty-eight hundred pounds), and
a quantity of beef tongues. It cost them nineteen shillings per
hundredweight for beef, and twenty for pork. The tongues were
priced at fourteen pence apiece. Of course, this meat was
prepared for the voyage according to the art or 'mystery' of preserving
meat practiced by the Salters Company. It was evidently a
satisfactory delivery, for the Governor wrote home that the beef 'was
as sweet and good as if it were but a month powdered.' In
addition to this they had six hundred pounds of 'haberdyne' (salt
codfish) and for good measure they had one barrel of salt and one
hundred pounds of suet, presumably for cooking purposes.
The staff of life was represented by twenty thousand biscuits, of which
fifteen thousand were brown and five thousand white, supplemented by
one barrel of flour, thirty bushels of oat- meal and eleven firkins of
butter as a spread. The only vegetable in their table of supplies
was peas, of which they had forty bushels. These were dried
peas. To make this unembellished diet patatable they provided the
cook with a bushel and a half of mustard seed to stimulate their jaded
appetites after days and weeks of 'salthorse.' Of
course, individual passengers brought small supplies of food for their
own use, probably relishes to relieve the monotony of sea diet.
As a result
p.31
of his own experience Winthrop wrote to his
wife that when she came over the following year to bring a supply of
'pease that would porridge well.' He added one practical
suggestion, doubtless the outgrowth of his own experiences: 'Be sure to
have ready at sea 2: or 3: skillets of several syzes, a large fryinge
panne, a small stewinge panne & a case to boyle a pudding in,'
which implies that the passengers cooked some of their own meals or parts
of them. Evidently the Steward's department of the Fleet was not
yet experienced or efficient in serving regular meals for so many
people, satisfactorily.
Deep-sea fishing supplemented the larder,
giving them fresh fish as the exigencies of the weather permitted and
as luck favored their angling. As the approached the Grand
Banks codfishing was always rewarded by plentiful catches. The
galley was furnished with the following list of utensils and
tableware:
The Cookes
Store
100 platters 4 Trayes 2 wooden bowlles 4
Lanthornes 4 pompes for water and beer 3-l/2 duzen of quart
cans 3 duzen of small cans 13 duzen of Wooden Spoones 3-1/2 duzen
Bread basketts 3-l/2 duzen Musterd dishes 2-l/2 Duzen butter
dishes 3 or 4 duzen Trenchers 1 duzen Codd-lyne 3 duzen
Coddhookes 1/2 duzen Mackerell lynes 1-l/2 duzen Mackerell
hookes 12 leades 6 small Leades
The following attractive
suggestions were made by Wood regarding luxuries 'for such as have
ability...some conserves and good Claret wine to burne at Sea: or you may
have it by some of your Vintners or Wine Coopers burned here, and put
up in Vessels.'
p.32
It is evident that artificial lights
were not supplied to passengers, and that sundown was the signal for
retiring. This appears to be a logical conclusion from the fact that
only four 'lanthornes' and six dozen candles were provided, and as far
as ascertainable, the only heat on the vessel was from the
cooking-stove in the galley, for which eight thousand of 'burning wood'
was carried. Their descendants, who now travel in our leviathans of
the deep, surrounded by all the luxuries that embellish modern voyages,
will have difficulty in visualizing this picture of conditions that
existed three centuries ago.
Chapter V
The Voyage Overseas
p.33
As soon as the agreement
at Cambridge on August 26, 1629 was consummated, the Company began to
arrange for shipping to carry the emigrants across the Atlantic. In
the next month the ship Eagle (mounting twenty-eight guns and carrying
a crew of fifty-two seamen) was bought for the Company's use by ten of
the members as underwriters. This plan was in accordance with the
suggestion of the Reverend Francis Higginson as a business proposition
that it would be more economical for a party of emigrants to join
together and purchase a ship for the voyage and dispose of it after
arrival. This ship was later christened the Arbella in honor of
the Lady Arbella. The following additional ships were chartered
during the year for service in the spring,
viz.:
Ambrose Jewel Talbot Charles Mayflower William
and Francis Hopewell Whale Success Trial
It was
provided that the fleet should be 'Ready to set saile from London by the
first day of March and that if any passengers bee to take shipp at Isle
of Wight the ships shall stoppe there twenty-four
hours.' Presumably the usual
delays
p.34
prevented adherence to this schedule and the
month of April arrived before the fleet had assembled at Southampton
Water, the final rendezvous. A plan of consortship was
arranged by which the Arbella was designated 'Admiral,' the Talbot
'Vice Admiral,' the Ambrose 'Rear Admiral' and the Jewel a 'Captain' in
nautical ranking for the fleet, and a code of signals was agreed upon
for use at sea to maintain contact and regulate their movements.
Winthrop went down to Southampton on the 10th of March to superintend
the assembling of supplies and loading of the ships from London.
It can be inferred from available records that only the four leaders of
the Fleet, named above, carried passengers, as well as the Mayflower,
Whale and Success. The others were used to transport freight and
live stock. These vessels began to drift in to The Solent between
his arrival and the last of the month. From this point the sole
authority on the voyage of this grand fleet - the greatest ever assembled
to carry Englishmen overseas to a new homeland - is John Winthrop
himself, who began his famous journal of the voyage under these
headlines:
ANNO DOMINI 1630, MARCH 29
MONDAY
Easter
Monday. Ryding at the Cowes, near the Isle of Wight.
What
follows this introductory entry in his log is a condensed narration of the
principal events of interest which marked the progress of this famous
flotilla to the shores of their Utopia.
p.35
On Tuesday,
April 6, Matthew Cradock, the late Governor of the Massachusetts Bay
Company, arrived from London to take his official leave of the party
and when this formality was over and he was duly saluted as he went
over the side, these four ships led by the Arbella weighed anchor and
leisurely sailed down The Solent and came to anchorage before the
castle at Yarmouth on the west end of the Isle of Wight. More
salutes between the Castle and the Flagship.
It is necessary
here to mention an historic event which for some reason is given no
mention by Winthrop in his Journal or in his letters to his wife before
sailing. Reference is made to the famous farewell address of the
Reverend John Cotton, Vicar of Boston, Lincolnshire, who came down to
give his blessing and approval of the undertaking, but where this
address was delivered is uncertain, as two contemporary authorities
place it at Gravesend and at Southampton. John Rous in his Diary
of the year 1630 makes the following record:
Some little while since, the Company went to New
England under Mr. Winthrop. Mr.
Cotton, of Boston in Lincolnshire, went
to their departure about Gravesend & preached to them,
as we heare, out of 2 Samuel, vii.10. It is
said that he is prohibited for
preaching any more in England then untill June
24 next now coming.
Another who should be a
competent authority, as a passenger in the Winthrop Fleet, places the
scene of this sermon at Southampton. In a letter from Samuel Fuller
of Plymouth to Governor Bradford, dated Charlestown, August 2, 1630,
only three weeks after the arrival of the Fleet, he
wrote:
p.36
Here is a
gentleman, one Mr. William Cottington (a Boston Man), who tould
me, that Mr. Cottons charge at Hamton was, that
they should take advise of them at
Plimoth, and should doe nothing to offend them.
This farewell
sermon was published by John Humfrey in the same year entitled 'God's
Promise to his Plantation.' The evidence favors Southampton as
the scene of its delivery, but the silence of Winthrop is
inexplicable. Nor does he mention the visits of friends and
relatives coming to bid farewell to the departing emigrants, as Bradford
and Winslow re- lated the touching scenes when the Pilgrims left
Delfthaven. Johnson, however, although not a participant,
supplies material for this part of the story. He records that some
of them 'had their speach strangled from the depth of their inward
dolor with heart-breaking sobs.. adding many drops of salt liquor to
the ebbing ocean.' He could not refrain from
adding that some of the idlers on the dock expressed the opinion that
the participants in this emigration were 'cract-braines.'
They
stayed at anchor off the Castle of Yarmouth for a week, waiting for the
seven vessels left behind at Southampton which were not yet ready for
the long voyage. This week of idle- ness was made bearable for
the godly by a fast on Friday, which some ungodly landmen im- proved by
tapping a 'rundlet of strongwater' and making merry with the stolen cups
of of liquor. The culprits were laid in bolts all night, whipped
in the morning, and dieted on bread and water the following day while
sobering up. On Monday, April 6, the Captain of Yarmouth Castle,
'a grave, comely gentleman, and of great age,' came aboard the Arbella
and
p.37
was entertained at breakfast. He had sailed
on the seven seas in Elizabeth's reign, had been in a Spanish prison
for three years, and with his three sons was on the famous voyage to
Guiana in 1610 under Sir Thomas Roe. Doubtless this typical old
British salt regaled them with his experiences on the Atlantic and, in
his honor as he was piped down the side, four shots from the forecastle
waked echoes on The Solent.
Again Mr. Cradock came aboard to
announce that the rest of the fleet had dropped down to Stokes Bay
opposite Cowes and would sail by St. Helen's Point (now Bembridge
Foreland) into the Channel and at last all was ready - or nearly
so. The Governor's son Henry and Mr. Pelham, who went off to
attend to shipping the cattle, were left behind to join some
later ship. On Thursday, April 8, at six in the morning, the
'Admiral' weighed anchor and set sail, followed by her three consorts
in scattered formation. Accompanying them were some small ships
bound for New Foundland. The rest of the seven vessels of the fleet
were not ready until two or three weeks later, but as there is no known
existing record of their experiences in crossing the ocean the story of
the Fleet only applies to the 'Admiral' and her consorts. The
others were not heard from until their safe arrival on the New
England coast. By ten in the forenoon of the first day they were
past the Needles and at daylight on Friday the 9th the Bill of Portland
was abeam the flagship Arbella and the first excite- ment of the trip
is described by Winthrop, when the decks were cleared for action
against a suspected enemy fleet:
In the morning we descried from the top, eight sail
astern of us, (whom Capt. Lowe
told us he had seen at Dunnose in the evening). We supposing they
might be Dunkirkers, our captain
caused the gunroom and gundeck to be cleared; all
the hammocks were taken down, our ordnance loaded, and
our powder-chests and fireworks
made ready, and our landmen quartered among the seamen, and
twenty- five of them appointned
for muskets, and every man written down for his
quarter.
The wind continued N. [blank] with fair weather, and
afternoon it calmed, and we
still saw those eight ships to stand towards us; having more wind than
we, they came up apace, so as
our captain and the masters of our consorts were more
occasioned to think they might be Dunkirkers,
(for we were told at Yarmouth,
that there were ten sail of them waiting for us;)
whereupon we all prepared to
fight with them, and took down some cabins which were in
the way of our ord- nance, and
out of every ship were thrown such bed matters as were subject to
take fire, and we heaved out
our long boats, and put up our waste cloths, and
drew forth our men, and armed them with muskets and
other weapons, and instru- ments
for fireworks; and for an experiment our captain shot a ball of
wild-fire fastened to an arrow
out of a cross-bow, which burnt in the water a good time.
The Lady Arbella and the other women and
children were removed into the lower
deck, that they might be out of danger. All things
being thus fitted, we went to
prayer upon the upper deck. It was much to see how cheerful and
comfort- able all the company
appeared; not a woman or child that showed fear, though
all did apprehend the danger to have been great,
if things had proved as might
well be expected, for there had been eight against four,
and the least of the enemy's
ships were reported to carry thirty brass pieces; but our trust was
in the Lord of Hosts; and the
courage of our captain, and his care and diligence
did much to encourage us. It was now about one of
the clock, and the fleet seemed
to be within a league of us; therefore our captain, because he
would show he was not afraid of
them, and that he might see the issue before night
should overtake us, tacked about and stood to meet them,
and when we came near we
perceived them to be our friends, - the Little Neptune, a ship of some
twenty pieces of ordnance and
her two consorts, bound for the Straits; a ship
of Flushing, and a Frenchman, and three other English
ships bound for Canada and
Newfoundland. So when we drew near, every
ship
p.39
(as they
met) saluted each other, and the musketeers discharged their
small shot; and so (God be
praised) our fear and danger was turned into mirth and
friendly entertainment. Our danger being
thus over, we espied two boats on
fishing in the channel; so every of our four ships
manned out a skiff and we bought
of them great store of excellent fresh fish of divers sorts.
This
thrilling description of a naval engagement that almost happened discloses
some facts which lets light upon the method of providing
'accommodations' for passengers on overseas travel. It has been
explained that vessels of this fleet were ordinary freighters,
built for transporting merchandise, dry and wet goods, from
Mediterranean and European ports to and from English ports. The
carrying of passengers on voyages lasting two or three months was never
in the plans of shipbuilders or merchant adventurers of that era.
Only naval vessels were constructed with this end in view and the
coastwise craft chartered for the Atlantic voyages were ill-fitted to
afford the necessary comforts for women and children. Temporary,
makeshift 'cabins' between decks were installed on them for protection
from the elements and privacy in the night watches.
When peace
again settled over this much worried flotilla the voyage was resumed and
by Saturday morning they were 'over against' Plymouth and later in the
day the Lizard hove in sight. The Scilly Isles were passed the
next morning (Sunday the 11th) and now, out of the English Channel,
ahead of them lay the great ocean with nearly three thousand miles to
be traversed before they would sight land again. The inevitable
conditions ensued as the little vessels headed into the unending swells
and choppy seas of the Atlantic and they began to toss over its
surface, churned under a 'very stiff gale' from the
Northwest.
Everybody was too seasick,
p.40
both
minister and people, and the usual religious services on their first
Sabbath at sea were ommitted. This temporary difficulty, 'which
put us all out of order,' says Winthrop, lasted for a day or more, and
the method employed to restore their drooping spirits and uncertain
stomachs is related by him:
Our
children and others, that were sick, and lay groaning in the
cabins, we fetched out, and having
stretched a rope from the steerage to the main-
mast, we made them stand, some of one side and some of the other,
and sway it up and down till they were
warm, and by this means they soon grew well
and merry.
Having become enured to the novel equilibrium of the
unstable decks, this inevitable feature of the voyage soon became
negligible and the usual routine was resumed. On the next
Sunday at sea relgious services were held on the ships, and even in
stormy weather, and on week days prayer meetings were held.
Catechizing of the children was done on Tuesdays and
Wed- nesdays.
It will not be interesting nor important to recite
the daily progress of the fleet, or the variations in the weather
during the long weeks on the ocean. The temperature for the
first half of the voyage was generally low and so cold 'as we could
well endure our warmer clothes.' The first comfortably warm day was
on April 26, as noted by Winthrop, two weeks out, but it was only of
short duration. Gales called by him 'stiff,' 'pretty,' or 'handsome'
followed each other with seas 'high' or 'raging' in regular
succession. On May 3 they were obliged to 'lay at hull,' so great
was the stress of the stormy seas, and heavy rains generally
accompanied these conditions.
p.41
On May 19 they had
reached (or thought they had) the Grand Banks in the midst of a
great storm, and at nine of the clock at night a fast was observed and
again the following day. Some of the vessels lost their smaller sails
at this time as the storm continued with little abatement for several
days. Scarcely any headway was made during this prolonged bad
weath- er. The live stock, which was carried in separate ships,
suffered as much, if not more than the passengers, as they were
helpless on the storm-swept decks. There were two hundred
and forty cows and about sixty horses transported with the Fleet,
according to Winthrop.
Captain John Smith, describing this storm,
which lasted ten days, stated that the cattle 'were so tossed and
brused, three score and ten died.'
The nautical devices used by
Captain Milborne of the Arbella to bring his ship to its destined port
were the crude methods available at that period. Navigators had only
the cross-staff to ascertain the latitude, but while the elevation of
the sun could be measured with practical accuracy by this instrument
and the degrees of latitude figured out there was no way to determine
longitude at sea. This requirement was not available for the
mariners until the latter half of the next century. To overcome
this difficulty, the east or west positions at a given time were
expressed in terms of dead reckoning by estimating the marine leagues
sailed from day to day. As they progressed west, Winthrop enters in
his Journal such statements as 'about 90 leagues from
Scilly.'
It was evidently the plan of the navigator of the Arbella
as Admiral of the Fleet to use latitude 43 degrees 15' north as his
general westerly course, which would bring him directly south of Cape
Sable, Nova Scotia, and to the Isles of Shoals. The Arbella reached
this latitude on May 3rd when just north of Terceira,
p.42
Azores, and he varied little from this course except
when driven from it, above or below, by stress of weather. When
he reached the Gulf of Maine and came in permanent view of the coast of
New England his course was determined by well-known landmarks.
On
May 30 they reckoned they were on the meridian of Cape Sable but soundings
gave no 'ground' at about eighty fathoms, and on June 6 they sighted
land 'about five or six leagues off' and on the following day (Monday,
7th) found they were in thirty fathoms with a calmer sea. 'So we put
our ship a-strays,' writes Winthrop, 'and took in less than two hours,
with a few hooks, sixty-seven codfish, most of them very great fish,
some a yard and a half long and a yard in compass.' While these
incidents of the voyage of a material character were being enacted,
Winthrop found time in the seclusion of the cabin to employ his busy
pen in setting down some of his religious convictions. He wrote
an essay which he entitled 'A Model of Christian Charity,' the original
of which is still in existence.
The scent of the nearing coast-line
was now more and more in evidence and on June 9, with a 'handsome gale'
to speed them on, they 'had the mainland upon our starboard all day' and
saw 'very high land' and many small islands' off the coast of
Maine. The worst of this stormy crossing was now nearly
over. On June 10 they made the Three Turks Heads on their
star- board bow, meaning the three peaks of Mount Agamenticus in York,
Maine; then Boone Island and the 'Shoals' assured them that the end of
the voyage was at hand.
These were the externals which the leaders
of the Fleet had encountered in the past sixty- eight cold and stormy
days and nights. What of the human beings tossed on the bosom of
the ocean toward the unknown shores of New England and
how
p.43
did they fare? That they suffered
hardships needs no recital. Death continually hovered in the wake
of the flotilla and we are told that many of the passengers of the Success
were nearly starved when they reached their destination. Yet
during the voyage, when weather and sea conditions permitted, there was
occasional visiting between the ships and dinner parties were held for
the men 'in the round house' (meaning the Master's cabin) of
the Arbella, and the ladies were served in the 'great cabin' on these
festal occasions. A squadron under command of Captain Thomas
Kirk, bound for Quebec, was overtaken and while in their company like
social courtesies followed. Exchanges of food between vessels was
made to equalize the supplies whenever possible, but the commissariat
was not equal to the re- quirements of a balanced dietary. They
were ignorant of its principles.
Winthrop notes that a swallow
lighted on his ship when ninety miles from Scilly and again when off
Nova Scotia 'a wild pigeon and a small land bird' flew aboard as
harbingers of the nearing coast. He noted that the new moon in
April and May looked much smaller than the moons in England, and on
May 31 he writes, 'this day about five at night we expected
the eclipse,' but for some reason this celestial phenomenon did not
perform. An eclipse was due at this date, but probably due to
inability to reckon the time accurately and perhaps from obscuration by
clouds it was invisible to the Fleet. It was a total solar eclipse
which would have been visible in England. About halfway across they
saw a whale who lay 'just in our ship's way (the bunch of his back about a
yar above water). He would not shun us; so we passed within a
stone's cast of him, as he lay spouting up water.'
Winthrop speaks
on three occasions of the 'landsmen' and once
p.44
of the
'musketeers.' In nautical terms a landsman is a sailor on his first
voyage, and it appears that they were assigned to the duty of soldiers
or guardsmen and drilled in the use of muskets for defensive
purposes. It is known that two professional military men -
Captain John Underhill and Captain Daniel Patrick - were employed to
act as leaders in military operations after arrival in New
England. It is probable that they had duties of this char- acter
during the voyage should any emergency like the one recited in the
beginning of this chapter arise. They followed in this matter the
example of the Pilgrims in the employment of Captain Myles Standish for
the same purpose.
Deaths occured as a not unexpected event in such
a large party living under unfavorable conditions; one of them a
seaman, 'a profane fellow' according to the journalist.
The Talbot lost fourteen passengers by death on the voyage, an
impressive record on a small ship. A child was born on the Jewel
and one woman on the Arbella was brought to bed of a still-born
infant.
At last on June 12, land came to be a reality to the sight
of the tired voyagers, when they reached Cape Ann; and those who were
able went ashore and 'gathered a store of fine straw- berries.'
The next day (Sunday), Miasconomo, the Sagamore of Agawam, came aboard and
pre- sumably welcomed the strangers to the home of his
forefathers. At all events he stayed all day. Festivities
continued with visits from the Masters of vessels already in the
harbor of Salem, while the Governor and the Assistants, with some of
the women, went to the resi- dence of Captain Endicott and enjoyed a
real meal in which venison pasty and good beer tempted their jaded
appetites. On Wednesday the 18th, the Jewel having been
the second vessel of the Fleet to reach port, all disembarked and the
Promised Land lay at their feet.
p.45
The Mayflower and
Whale dropped anchor in Charlestown Harbor two weeks later, July
1, followed by the Talbot the next day. The William and Francis
and Hopewell arrived the 3d, the Trial and the Charles, the 5th, and
the 6th of July saw the Success, the last of the Fleet, safely at
anchor in Salem Harbor. The Great Emigration had reached its
destination.
With their faces looking back to the East, whence they
had wearily sailed a thousand leagues cradled in Atlantic tempests,
they could say then with the Evangelist:
'And there
shall be no more Sea.'
Chapter VI
THE PASSENGERS AND THEIR
ORIGINS
p.46
Probably few of those who participated
in this great movement had any conception that their names would be
eagerly sought three centuries later for a permanent record in the
annals of the nation they were destined to establish.
The story
of an event which became of historic importance is only half told if the
identity of the participants is not revealed, for it is the natural
impulse of man to confer even posthumous honors on the men and women
who took part in it. So it will be asked who were these
adventurous souls who sailed three thousand miles to our shores in craft
so frail and so absurdly small that no one of their descendants could
be induced to risk its peril today?
It is essential to the
completeness of the story to know them by name, for this voyage was the
beginning of the greatest movement in American colonization. To
answer this it will be necessary to know how many emigrants sailed in
this flotilla before a list can be compiled with any surety of
completeness. Fortunately, Winthrop, in a letter to his wife written
just before sailing, told her that there were seven hundred passengers
aboard. While this state- ment needs no corroboration, yet it is
satisfactory to have a contemporary writer give in- dependent testimony
that 'six or seven hundred went with him.' [John Smith:
Advertisement for Planters.] A much larger number has been
claimed by later historians, but no authority for their figures has
been given nor any reason offered for ignoring Winthrop's
specific statement. Therefore,
p.47
we have to deal
with about seven hundred men, women and children as embarked for the
ad- venture and then subtract the casualties of the voyage, deaths that
ensued shortly after arrival from disease, the return of discontented
persons, and the few who came as pros- pectors to view the country and
examine its desirability for planting a colony. On these points
we have a detailed statement written six months after their arrival by
Thomas Dudley to Bridget, Countess of Lincoln, mother of the Lady
Arbella. It was sent back by the Lyon April 1, 1631, and reached
England in four weeks. He wrote her that from the time
they weighed anchor in April, 1630, to the following December 'there
dyed by estimacon about two hundred at least, so lowe hath the Lord
brought us.' On the score of desertions - return of
the discontented - he gives these details:
Insomuch that the shippes being now uppon their returne,
some for England, some for Ireland, there was
I take it, not much less than an hundred, (some think many
more) partly out of dislike of our government, which
restrained and punished their excesses and
partly through fear of famine, (not seeing other means than by their
labour to feed themselves) which returned
back again. And glad were wee to bee
ridd of them. Others also afterwards hearing of
men of their own disposition, which were
planted at Piscataway, went from us to them, whereby though our numbers
were lessened, yet wee accounted ourselves
nothing weakened by their removall.'
Thus from Dudley's account
there must be subtracted two hundred
p.48
deaths and about
one hundred desertions or removals from the seven hundred who set
sail in April, 1630, and the remaining four hundred and fifty appear to
be the number of pass- engers to be accounted for by name, as no
records of the deaths occurring at sea or after arrival is
extant.
We know only of a few of the more prominent persons like
Isaac Johnson and his wife, the Lady Arbella, the wives of the Reverend
George Phillips and Mr. William Pynchon, and the accidental drowning of
young Henry Winthrop. The deaths of thirty-five others
are found in various sources, leaving one hundred and sixty-five
casualties unaccounted for, probably 'the poorer sort' mentioned by
Winthrop. Of the hundred who removed to adjoining settle- ments
or returned to England, but twenty-seven are known by name.
It is
more than probable that the number of deaths and removals were estimated
by Dudley and stated in 'round numbers.' He must have
included the casualties of the Dorchester Settlers who came in the Mary
and John, as well as those in the Lyon, and would be likely to
exaggerate the desertion of undesirables, of whom they were glad 'to bee
ridd.' The inference drawn would show the remaining settlers
classified as 'godly persons.' These totals make up the seven
hundred passengers.
Fortunately, for our purposes, there exists a
list of seventy names of those who came with the fleet, a rough list
prepared by Winthrop, and to be found entered on a flyleaf in
the original Winthrop Jounal disconnected with the main text. A
facsimile of this important record appears herewith. As this list
comprises only males the names of women and children accompanying them,
as well as the other emigrants not recorded by Winthrop, must be
sifted out of many existing records, Colonial, Town, Church and family
papers, and be differentiat- ed from the older planters who were
settled at Charlestown,
p.49
Dorchester, Salem and adjacent
places in the Bay before the arrival of the Winthrop Fleet.
This is
not always easy of accomplishment and in many cases it required a search
in England to determine whether a particular settler of 1630 came with
the Mary and John from Plymouth, with Endicott in 1628, or by other
vessels individually. The first list of persons re- questing to
be made freemen on October 19, 1630, contains the names of Old Planters
of Charlestown and Salem, as well as the Dorchester party from the West
Country mingled with those of the Winthrop Fleet, so that it gives no
definite clue to the passengers of the latter named vessels. This
list contains one hundred and nine names and on May 18, 1631, there
were one hundred and fourteen persons made freemen.
With few
exceptions they were the men who had applied for the franchise the
preceding October, so this list does not solve the problem. The
next source of identification is the list of members of the First
Church of Boston at its foundation in Charlestown, 1630, and subsequent
admissions during a number of succeeding years. Many of them did not
be- come affiliated with the church at all, and many did not join at
its founding, which is ample proof that they did not emigrate for
religious reasons. The church list therefore is not a safe source
of authority as to the problem. In the final justification for
the inclusion of a name, other than the few who are mentioned
specifically as coming in the Fleet, the decision must rest on
identification of the individual in his English home, and where that is
impossible, all the circumstantial factors entering in each case must
be weighed. The surname is important, whether East Anglian or
West Country;
p.50
the passenger's kinsfolk and associates;
his neighbors in the town where he settled, and the weight of evidence
for and against his origin in that part of England whence the great
bulk of the passengers of the Winthrop Fleet originated, these are some
of the constituent ele- ments of the problems which entered into the
composition of the passenger list of those who can be assumed or proven
to have come with Winthrop.
Whence came this company of voyagers
seeking a new home in a trackless wilderness? The news of their
coming had already reached our shores. The Reverend Francis
Higginson of Salem, who had preceded them hither by a year, wrote to
some of his old friends in Leicestershire under date of 24 July, 1629,
that 'a great company of godly Christians out of London' were expected
next year (1630), and Thomas Prince, a later historian, in speaking of the
Migra- tion, said, 'the greatest Number came from About London tho'
South Hampton was the place of the Rendevouz.' While
it is true that many came 'out of London' and 'about London' it is not
true that the majority of them originated in that city. As has been
stated, there were many foci of activities in spreading the gospel of
emigration to New England both before and after Winthrop assumed active
control of the movement. Analysis of the home origins of
the passengers as compiled by the author shows that they came from
twenty different counties of England in the following relative
order:
Suffolk
159 Essex
92 London
78 Northamptonshire 22 Lincolnshire
12 Yorkshire
8 Leicestershire 7 Kent
5 Lancashire
5 Hampshire
5 Norfolk
4 Oxfordshire
3 Buckinghamshire 2 Hertfordshire
2
p.51
To this list are to be added
Nottinghamshire, Cambridge, Rutlandshire and Chester with one each and
five from Holland. This tabulation of origins, four
hundred and more in number, does not give us a definite picture of the
situation, as England is a small country and its forty small counties
are so grouped that the comital lines make only an artificial
bound- ary. This will be best shown on the accompanying map which
represents county groupings that explain the restricted density of
origins.
The Lincolshire group can be attributed to the influence
of the Reverend John Cotton, the Reverend Samuel Skelton, and the
Fiennes family; the Leicestershire group to the Reverend Arthur
Hildersham of Ashby-de-la Zouch and the Reverend Francis Higginson; the
Northhampton- shire group to Thomas Dudley and the Reverend Samuel
Stone; the Lancashire group probably to Reverend Richard Mather, and
the large London group to the numerous dissenting clergy- men in the
city parishes as well as to the business influence of the lay members of
the Company residing there.
Of course,
Winthrop can be personally credited as an important factor in his own
county. Using as a center Groton, of which he was Lord of the Manor,
about a hundred persons came from surrounding parishes within a radius
of ten miles. Most of the adjoining county of Essex was then
under the spell of the Reverend Thomas Hooker, Hugh Peter and John
Eliot, preaching and teaching in and around Chelmsford, while William
Pynchon, of the old landed gentry in Writtle nearby, gave the movement
its business aspect in that county.
Of the social qualities of
these passengers there are certain facts which permit some definite
statements as to their status in the domestic life of the mother
country. Lady Arbella Fiennes, daughter of an earl, and her brother
Charles carried
p.52
the honors of nobility for the
passengers, while Sir Richard Saltonstall, knight, was the sole
representative of the titled gentry. Next in rank were Isaac Johnson
and John Winthrop both esquires. Brand, Feake, Plaistow and
Pynchon were of the 'gentleman' class, and foll- owing them were the
undefined persons who for one reason or another were given the
prefix of 'Mr.' in our early records: Alcock, Bradstreet, Browne,
Coddington, Cole, Dillingham, Dudley, Freeman, Glover, Jones, Masters,
Mayhew, Pelham, Stoughton, Turner, Tyndale and Vassall.
Thus
twenty-five of the two hundred and forty-seven possible heads of families
were of a social rank above that of yeomen or husbandmen. The
great majority of the passengers were artisans or tillers of the soil
who were called 'planters' - not in the agricultural sense but as
persons who were engaged in planting a colony under the flag of
England. Of the trades represented, as far as known, there were
the following, viz.: armorer, baker, black- smith, butcher, carpenter,
cordwainer, merchant, five of each; clothier, chandler,
cooper, military officer, physician, tailor, three each; fisherman,
herdsman, mason, two of each; tanner and weaver, one of each.
This list is, of course, incomplete, but recites the known or recorded
vocations of the passengers. 'These ships,' said Prince, 'were
filled with Passengers of all occupations skill'd in all Kinds of
Faculties needful for Planting a new Colony.' And an earlier
writer, after stating that there were 'divers good and godly people'
among them probably covered the situation fully by adding that 'people of
all sorts went.'
From this list the following analysis of the
classes of passengers can be deduced: there were two hundred and
forty-three adult males, potential heads of families, but only
one hundred and twenty-nine of them are known to have been accompanied
by their wives and thus were the same number
p.53
of
married women in the passenger list. Thirteen single women or widows
are of record as surviving the ordeal of the voyage and diseases in the
first year. There were about one hundred and thirty-five children
accompanying their parents and seventeen classed as ser- vants.
Three of the prominent leaders - Winthrop himself, Sir Richard
Saltonstall, and the Reverend John Wilson - did not bring their wives
with them, probably for the reason that they wished to prepare
suitable homes for them in advance of their coming. It is
further possible that most of the unattached females, presumed to be
single, may have been widows of deceased passengers, or kinswomen of
other families, as unmarried women did not travel alone on an adventure
of this nature at that period.
Many inquiries have been received by
the author, since the announcement of the issue of this volume, seeking
information as to the names of the passengers of the Arbella. As
there is no known list of the emigrants who came in the Winthrop Fleet,
so there is none of those who came in particular ships, beyond the
Governor himself, his three boys, and three other persons casually
mentioned by him in his log of the voyage. In the Public
Record Office, London, among the Colonial Papers, there is a document,
in the nature of a 'news' report, which gives the following names as
having sailed recently for New England:
Mr. John Winthroppe Esqr. Governor and three of his
sonnes Sir Rich. Saltonstall Knight
three of his sonnes and 2 daughters
Mr. Isaake Johnson Esqr. and the Lady Arbella his wife sister to
the Earle of Lincolne
Mr. Charles Fines the said Earles brother
Mr. Dudley his wife 2 sonnes and 4
daughters Mr. Coddington and his
wife Mr. Pinchon and his wife and 3
daughters Mr. Vassall and his
wife Mr.
Revell
p.54
In view of the fact that social position and
official connection with the company would give the above-named
persons quarters on the flagship, it may be assumed, for these
reasons and the convenience of conferences on business connected with
their future settlement, that they came on the Arbella. The only
objection to accepting this natural conclusion definite- ly is the fact
that Mr. John Revell, who was an Assistant, was a passenger in the
Jewel.
With these explanations there will follow the names of those
who are believed to have come to New England with Winthrop on the
evidence cited in each individual case.
APPENDIX A
ALPHABETICAL LIST OF PASSENGERS
p.
57
p.57
Key to Abbreviations
Savage
Genealogical Dictionary M.C.R.
Massachusetts Colonial
Records Pope
Pioneers of Massachusetts Winthrop
Journal of
John Winthrop G.R.
New England Genealogical
Register Winthrop MSS.
Collections Massachusetts Historical
Society Bond
History of Watertown B.T.R.
Boston Town
Record Waters & Emmerton
English Gleanings L. & L. W.
Life & Letters of John
Winthrop Lechford
Notarial Records Banks MSS.
Collections of the
Author Ch.Ch.Rec.
Charlestown Church Records Lechford P.D.
Lechford Plaine
Dealing P.C.C.
Prerogative Court of Canterbury Sewall
Diary of Samuel Sewall Eliot
Roxbury Church
Records G.L.
Plans of Boston, 1905, by George
Lamb
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
ABBOTT,
Daniel Cambridge
Juror, 18 Sept. 1630 (M.C.R., I, 78).
Freeman 18 May 1631 (ibid., I, 366). Removed
to Providence before 1639.
ABELL,
Robert Boston
From Hemington, Leicestershire (P.C.C., 10 St.
John).
Applied freeman 19 Oct. 1630 (M.C.R.,
I, 80). Freeman
18 May 1631 (ibid., I, 366).
Related to the Cotton
family and probably
emigrated under influence of Rev.
John Cotton
or Rev. Arthur Hildersham of Ashby-de-la-
Zouch, who lived a few miles from the home of Abell.
Derby, the home of the Cotton family, was only
five
miles distant. Removed to
Weymouth and later to
Rehoboth.
p.58
AGAR, William Watertown
Probably from
Nazing Essex, or vicinity. An Agar
family lived in Nazing, and the mother of Rev. John
Eliot was named Lettice Aggar or Agar. William
Agar
was made a Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R.,
I, 366). He
died in 1684.
ALCOCK,
George Roxbury
Probably from Leicestershire. Applied
freeman 19 Oct.
1630 (M.C.R., I, 80).
Freeman 18 May 1631 (ibid. 366).
Deputy to
General Court. Died December 1640.
ALCOCK, _____
Wife of George. Died
1630. She was sister of Rev.
Thomas
Hooker (Dudley Letter).
ALCOCK, Thomas Boston
Brother of
George. Probably from Leicestershire.
Member church 1630/1, No. 46. Removed to Dedham (Pope).
Freeman 6 May 1635 (M.C.R., I, 370). Died 1657
(G.R.,
IX, 344).
ALEWORTH,
Francis Ordered to be sent
back by the Lyon in March 1631, as
undesirable
(M.C.R., I, 82), but in July he was chosen
Lieutenant.
ANDREW, Thomas Watertown
Probably from Essex (Servant
of Josiah Plaistow). Before
court 27 Sept 1631
(M.C.R., I, 92).
ARCHER, Samuel Salem
Applied
freeman 19 Oct. 1630 (M.C.R., I, 80). Carpenter.
Deposed 1660 aged 52 (b. 1608). Deposed 1667 aged 58 (b.
1609).
ASPINWALL, William Boston
Came from Manchester,
Lancashire. Notary public. Deacon
1630. Applied freeman 19 Oct 1630 (M.C.R., I, 79).
Member church No. 10. Freeman 3 April 1632
(M.C.R., I,
367). Returned to England
and died there.
ASPINWALL, Elizabeth
Wife of William. Member church, No. 16.
ASPINWALL,
Edward Son of William. Born
1630, just after arrival.
p.59
AUDLEY, (Odlin) John
Boston
Probably from London. Member church
1630, No. 139.
'One of the very first
inhabitants of Boston' (Sewall),
but he was
not a freeman until 1634. Armorer and
cutler. Died 1685, aged 82 years (G.R., VI, 727).
BAKER,
John Charlestown
No. 12 on first list of inhabitants. Freeman 3
March
1634 (Pope, 28; M.C.R., I,
75).
BAKER, Charity
Wife of John. Admitted church 1630 (Ch.Ch.Rec).
BALSTON,
William Boston
"Bolson' in Winthrop's list, possibly variant
of
Boylston. London is probable
origin, but name
common in Dorset and
Somerset. Applied freeman
19 Oct.
1630 (M.C.R., I, 80); juror 1630 (ibid., 81);
removed to Rhode Island 1638 on account of connection
with Mrs. Hutchinson's supporters.
BALSTON,
Elizabeth Wife of William. Died 'soon.'
Admitted church 1630,
No. 39.
BARSHAM,
William Watertown
Juror 1630 (M.C.R., I, 78). Died 3 July
1684. Wife
Annabel (Bland).
Origin undetermined, but name is
common in
Norfolk.
BARTLETT, Thomas Watertown
Servant to Mr.
Pelham 1631. Died 26 April 1654, aged
60 (b. 1594). Probably from Essex (M.C.R., I. 86).
BATEMAN,
William Charlestown
From
London. Freeman 18 May 1631. Died 16 Sept. 1631
(M.C.R., I, 78).
BAXTER, Gregory Roxbury
Perhaps from Sporle, co. Norfolk. Freeman 6 March
1631/2
(M.C.R., I, 367). Member church
1631/2
BEAMSLEY, William Boston
Origin undetermined, but
name found only in Lincoln,
Lincolnshire. Probably came as servant and is called
'laborer' when admitted to church, 5 April,
1635.
Freeman 25 May 1636 (M.C.R., I,
372). He died 1658.
BEAMSLEY, Anne
Wife of William. Died about 1643
(B.T.R.).
p.60
BEECHER, Thomas Charlestown
Came from Stepney,
Mariner, master of Talbot. Member
church 1631, No. 112. Died before 29 (5) 1637 (Pope).
BEECHER,
Christian Wife of Capt. Thomas. Member
church 1630, No. 17. Daughter
of James and
Christian Barker of Harwich; married at
Whitechapel (Pope).
BELCHER, Edward Boston
From Guilsborough,
co. Northants. Member church 1630.
Freeman 18
May 1631 (M.C.R., I, 366). Pipestave culler;
soap boiler.
BELCHER, Christian
Wife of Edward (Pope).
BELCHER, Edward, Jr.
Son of Edward.
BENDALL, Edward Boston
From
Southwark, co. Surrey. Merchant. Member church
No. 77, 1630/1. Freeman 14 May 1634 (M.C.R., I,
369).
Dismissed to a church in London 1653
(Pope).
BENDALL, Anne
Wife of Edward. Died 25 (10) 1637
(Pope).
BENHAM, John Dorchester
Origin unknown. Freeman 18, May
1631 (M.C.R., I, 80).
Probably removed to New
Haven.
BIGGS, John Boston
From Groton, co. Suffolk, or
vicinity. Member church
No. 97, 1630/1.
Freeman 4 March 1633/4 (M.C.R., I, 368).
Ipswich 1633. Mentioned in letter of Bluette of Groton,
Suffolk (Winthrop MSS.).
BIGGS, Mary
Wife of
John. Died 10 (11) 1649/50.
BLACK, John
Charlestown
Origin undetermined. Freeman March 1631/2.
Admitted
church 4 (11) 1634/5. Removed to Salem
(Pope).
BOGGUST, John
Probably from Boxted, Essex. John Boggus of
Boxted
had sons Robert and William. He
was before court
Sept. 1630 (M.C.R., I.
77).
BOSWELL, John Boston
From London. Member church No.
94, 1630/1. Dead soon.
To
be continued p. 61 - Bosworth, Zaccheus
p.61
Bosworth,
Zaccheus Boston
From Stowe IX
Churches, co. Northants.
Member church No.
98, 1630/1. Freeman
25 May 1636 (M.C.R., I,
372) Died 28
(5) 1655.
Bourne,
Garret Boston
Origin undetermined; lived on Boston Neck
(G.L.). Freeman 6 May 1635 (M.C.R.,
I,
370). Removed to Rhode
Island.
Bowman, Nathaniel
Applied freeman 19 Oct. 1630 (M.C.R.,
I, Watertown
80). At Cambridge 1650. Died 26 January
1681/2.
Bowman, Anna
Wife of Nathaniel.
Bradstreet,
Simon Cambridge
Born at Horbling, co. Lincoln, March 1603
(adjoining Sempringham). Probably associat-
ed with Earl of Lincoln. Married Anne
Dudley, daughter of Thomas (M.C.R., I, 73).
Bradstreet,
Anne Wife of Simon. Born 1612;
died 1672 (Pope).
Brand, Benjamin Boston
Applied freeman 19
Oct. 1630 (M.C.R., I, 79).
Probably from
Edwardston or Polstead, co.
Suffolk (P.C.C.,
81 Savill) will of Benjamin
Brand, gent. of
Edwardston 1621. Probably re-
returned or
died.
Bratcher, Augustine Charlestown
(Probably Bradshaw.) Origin
unknown. Killed
1630. Inquest 28 Sept.
1630 (M.C.R., I, 77)
He was a servant of
Matthew Cradock.
[see p.217 vol. I Great
Migration Begins -
Anderson].
Brease
______ Probably
from Edwardston, Suffolk; called son-
in-law of Mr. Huggins, a family living in E.,
and his 'tools' were to be sent to London be-
fore sailing (L. & L. W.). No further record;
probably died early.
Brenton,
William Boston
Merchant. From Hamersmith, co. Middlesex
(Savage) Admitted church Oct. 1633. Freeman
14, May 1634 (M.C.R., I, 369) Removed to
Providence, R.I., where he died 1673/4
(G.L.).
p. 62
Brett, Isabel
Member church 1630/1, No. 88. 'Gone to
Salem'
(Boston Church Record).
Bright,
Henry Watertown
From Bury St. Edmunds, Suffolk. Born 1580;
aged
80 in 1660. Member church 1630/1,
No. 48.
Browne, Abraham Watertown
From Hawkdon,
Suffolk (Bond). Freeman March 1631/2
(M.C.R., I,
367). Died 1650.
Browne, Lydia
Wife of Abraham. They had two
children before 1632.
(Pope).
Browne,
James Boston
Origin undetermined owing to commonness of
name.
Member church 1630, No. 61.
Freeman 3 Sept. 1634
(M.C.R., I,
78).
Browne, Richard Watertown
From Hawkdon, Suffolk.
Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R.,
I, 366). Aged 81/2
in 1657 (b. 1575/6) (Bond). He
probably
came directly from London, where he 'kept
a
wherry,' and was a 'ruler' in one of the Separat-
ist conventicles of the city (Hubbard).
Browne,
Elizabeth Wife of
Richard.
Browne, George
Son of Richard. Returned to England (Bond).
Browne, Richard,
Jr. Son of Richard. Returned to England
(Bond).
Buckland, William
Boston
From Essex. Servant of Josiah Plaistow.
Probably
same as the Hingham carpenter.
Removed to Rehoboth.
Living 1661
(Winthrop).
Bugby, Richard Roxbury
Perhaps S. John
Hackney, Middlesex. Applied freeman
19
Oct. 1630 (M.C.R., I, 80). Freeman 18 May 1631
(M.C.R., I, 366). Died before 1642.
Bugby, Judith
Wife of
Richard. She married (2) Robert Parker. She
was born about 1600. (Pope). [see p.268
vol. I, Great
Migration Begins,
Anderson].
Bulgar, Richard Boston
Probably from London or
Southwark. Mason. He came as
assumed 1630, having married sister of Capt. John Under-
hill. Also removed to Dover 1638 with Capt.
Underhill.
Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R., I,
366.).
p.63
Bulgar, ___
Wife of Richard (Winthrop MSS.). She was
'sister' of
Capt. John
Underhill.
Burnell (Bunnell), William - Boston
Origin undetermined. Juryman 1630.
Died 1660/1.
(M.C.R., I, 77).
Burr,
Jehu Roxbury
Origin undetermined. Freeman 18 May 1631
(M.C.R., I,
80). Carpenter.
Removed with Pynchon to Springfield,
and
Fairfield, Conn. Probably died before 1654.
Burr, ___
Wife of
Jehu (Eliot).
Burr, Jehu
Son of Jehu Senior, born 1625.
Burroughs,
Robert On the Arbella 1630
(Stiles History of Wethersfield, 168.)
Cable,
John Dorchester
Probably from Essex. Brother-in-law of Jehu Burr.
Re-
moved to Springfield and Fairfield,
Conn. First mention-
ed in 1631
(M.C.R., I. 85).
Cakebread, Thomas
From Hatfield Broadoak, co. Essex (Banks MSS.)
Freeman
14 May 1634 (M.C.R., I, 368); Ensign
1638; removed to
Dedham and died
1643. Related to Thomas Reade (q.v.),
and
to the second wife of John Winthrop, Jr.
Cakebread, Sarah
Wife of Thomas; she married (2)
Philemon Whale.
Chadwick, Charles Watertown
Freeman 18 May 1631
(M.C.R., I, 366).
Probably from
Essex. Born 1596; died 10 April 1682,
Aged
86.
Chadwick, Elizabeth Wife
of Charles.
Chambers, Anne or Annie
Mentioned in Bluette's letter from Groton
1633.
Boston church 1631, No.
140.
Chase, William Roxbury
From co. Essex. Member
First Church Roxbury.
Applied freeman 19 Oct.
1630; (M.C.R., I, 80).
Freeman 19 May 1634
(ibid., I, 369).
p.64
Chauner, Margery Boston
Member church 1630, No. 116.
Cheesebrough, William Boston
From
Boston, co. Lincoln. Blacksmith. Born 1594
Juryman 9 Nov. 1630 (M.C.R., I, 78). Freeman 18
May 1631 (ibid., I, 366). Removed to
Braintree
and
Rehoboth.
Cheesebrough, Ann (Stevenson)
Wife of William. Born 1596. Admitted church 1630.
No. 45.
Cheesebrough, Sarah
Daughter of William. Admitted church 1630, No.
78.
Cheesebrough, Peter Son
of William.
Cheesebrough, Samuel Son of
William.
Cheesebrough, Nathaniel Son of
William.
Child, Ephraim Watertown
From Bury St. Edmunds,
Suffolk, or vicinity. Applied
freeman 19
Oct. 1630 (M.C.R., I, 79). Freeman 18 May
1631
(ibid., I, 366). Died 13 (12) 1662/3 aged 70
(b. 1592). Bluette of Groton calls him 'my ancient
acquaintance' in letter 1633.
Child,
Elizabeth Wife of Ephraim
(Pope).
Church, Richard Boston
Perhaps from Polstead,
Suffolk. Carpenter. Deposed
aged 48 in
1657 (b. 1609). Removed to Weymouth,
Plymouth and Charlestown. Applied freeman 19 Oct 1630.
(M.C.R., I, 80). Died 1668. He came over as a
servant
of 'Mr. (Richard) Webb' (Drake, Boston,
132).
Clarke, John Boston
From Groton, Suffolk, or
vicinity. Perhaps Mr. John of
Braintree
1637. Mentioned in letter of Bluette of Groton
1633 as 'my scholar.' Freeman 6 Nov. 1632 (M.C.R., I,
368).
Member church 1630, No.
138.
Clarke, William Watertown
Citizen and skinner of London.
Applied for freeman 19 Oct.
1630, with his
brother-in-law Samuel Freeman of Watertown
(q.v.) Before the Court 9 Nov. 1630 (ibid., 75); Freeman
18 May 1631. His wife Elizabeth Quick, daughter
of William
Quick, citizen and grocer of
London. He returned to England
between
between 1631 and 1636 and was living in London in
1640 (Lechford). He did not return to New England, as
far
as known (Banks
MSS.).
p.65
Clarke, Elizabeth
Wife of William. Returned to England and died
shortly
after arrival (Banks
MSS.).
Clough (Cluffe), Richard Charlestown
Probably from Suffolk.
Tailor. Before court 28 Sept.
1630 (M.C.R., I,
76).
Corbett, ____
Sent back to England March 1, 1630/1 (M.C.R., I,
82).
Coddington, William Boston
Gentleman. Born 4 Feb
1598/9, son of Edward and Anne
(Gifforth). From Boston, England. Removed to
Newport.
John Beauchamp calls him 'brother' in a
letter to Mr.
Paddy, 1649 (Freeman Gen., 23).
(M.C.R., I, 75).
Coddington, Mary
Wife of William. Died 1630. (Dudley Letter).
Colbron,
William Boston
From Brentwood, Essex. Applied freeman 19 Oct
1630.
(M.C.R., I, 80). Freeman 18 May
1631 (ibid., I, 366).
Member church, No.
9.
Colbron, Margery Wife
of William. Member church, No. 15.
Colby,
Anthony Boston
Perhaps from Lincolnshire, near Sempringham, the
seat
of the Earl of Lincoln, where the name
is found.
Cambridge 1635; removed to
Salisbury. Member church
1630, No.
93. Freeman 14 May 1634 (M.C.R., I, 369).
Died 11 Feb. 1660.
Colby, Susanna (Haddon)
(Hoyt, Old Families of Salisbury, 895) Wife of
Anthony.
Born about 1608. Married (2) William
Whitridge. Died 8
July
1689.
p.66
Cole, John Boston
From Groton, Suffolk, or
immediate vicinity. (Winthrop
MSS.).
Cole, Rice Charlestown
Probably from London. Member church
Boston 1630. No. 109.
Freeman 1 April
1633. Died 15 (3) 1646.
Cole, Arrold
Wife of Rice Cole. Will dated 20
(10) 1662; probated
26 (10) 1662. 'Brother
Solomon Phipps' mentioned. (Pope).
Cole, Robert Roxbury
From Navestock, Essex. 'Came with first company'
(Eliot).
Applied freeman 19 Oct 1630 (M.C.R., I,
80). Perhaps re-
moved to Providence,
Rhode Island, before 1644 (Winthrop).
Cole, Samuel Boston
Perhaps from Mersey, co. Essex. Applied freeman 18 Oct.
1630 (M.C.R., I, 80). Confectioner. Member
First Church
1630/1, No. 42. Will 21
Dec. 1666; probated 13 Feb 1666/7
Cole, Anne
Wife of Samuel. Member
church 1630/1, No. 43.
Converse, Edward Charlestown
Probably from
Shenfield, Essex, or vicinity. Juror 1630
(M.C.R., I, 77). Freeman 18 May 1631 (ibid., I,
366).
Deposed 24 (1) 1661/2 aged about 72 (b.
1589). Died
10 Aug 1663. (G.R., LIX, 176).
Removed to Woburn.
Converse, Sarah
Wife of Edward. Member church 1630, No.
84.
Converse, Phineas
Son of Edward.
Converse, John
Son of Edward.
Converse, Josiah
Son of Edward. Born
1619.
Converse, James
Son of Edward. Born 1621.
Cooke, Margaret
Church member No. 56;
received Boston church 1630.
Cowlishaw, William Boston
From
Nottingham (Banks MSS.); admitted church Oct 1633;
Freeman 4 March 1633/4 (M.C.R., I, 368). No further
Record.
Cowlishaw, Anne
Wife of
William.
p.67
Crafts,
Griffin Roxbury
From London or Essex. Freeman 18 May
1631
(M.C.R., I, 366). Deputy and
Lieutenant.
Died 1690.
Crafts,
Alice Wife of
Griffin Crafts. Born 1600; died 1673
Aged 73
(Pope).
Crafts, Hannah
Daughter of Griffin Crafts.
Cranwell, John Boston
From
Woodbridge, Suffolk. Applied freeman
19
Oct 1630; Freeman 4 March 1633/4. Died
1639. Thomas Marrett was brother-in-law.
Cribb,
Benjamin He was
punished for a misdemeanor in March
1630/1. Possibly an error for Crabb (q.v.)
(M.C.R., I, 85). Nothing further known.
Crugott, James
On record as a juror 26 Sept
1630, but
nothing further is known about
him either
of his origin or
residence. Probably died
or left the
Colony.
Dady, William Charlestown
Perhaps from Wanstead, Essex, or
vicinity.
A butcher. Admitted church
Boston 1631/2,
No. 122. Born 1605; died
10 April 1682 aged
77 (g.s.). Freeman
1 April 1632/3 (M.C.R., I,
367).
Dady, Dorothy
Wife of William (Wyman, 271).
Deekes (Dix),
Edward Charlestown
Probably from Essex where
families of Deekes
are found. Freeman
4 March 1634/5. Member
of church 1630,
No. 49. Removed to Watertown.
Deekes (Dix), Jane
Wife of Edward (Pope).
Devereaux, John
Probably from
Stoke-by-Nayland, co. Suffolk.
Came as a
minor, as he was born about 1614,
and
testified that he came to New England in
1630. (G.R.).
p.68
Diffy, Richard Watertown
Servant to Sir
Richard Saltonstall (M.C.R., I,
81).
No further record.
Dillingham, John Boston
From Bitteswell,
Leicester. Member church
1630, No.
71. Juryman 1631. Died 1636.
Dillingham, Sarah (Caly)
Wife of John. Will 14 July 1636; probated
2 Dec. 1636.
Dillingham, Sarah
Daughter of John.
Dixon, William Boston
Probably from Suffolk. Servant to Governor
Winthrop. Cooper. Died 1666. (M.C.R., I,
105).
Removed to York, ME.
1636.
Doggett, John Watertown
From Suffolk, vicinity of
Groton. Applied freeman
19 Oct 1630.
Freeman. Removed to Martha's Vineyard.
Died 1673 (M.C.R., I, 80).
Doggett, ____
Wife of John.
Doggett, John,
Jr. Son of John.
Doggett,
Thomas Son of
John.
Downing, James
Servant of Winthrop (Winthrop MSS., W-7a 38).
Dudley,
Thomas Boston
From Northamptonshire. Son of Roger
and Susanna
(Thorne) Dudley of
Yardley, Northamptonshire.
Baptized 12 Oct 1576. Steward to Earl of
Lincoln
at Sempringham. He was
not made a freeman until
1636
(M.C.R., I, 372).
Dudley, Dorothy (Yorke) Wife
of Thomas. 'A gentlewoman whose extraction
and estate were considerable' (Cotton Mather).
Died Dec 1643.
Dudley, Samuel
Son of Thomas.
Dudley,
Anne
Daughter of Thomas.
Dudley, Patience
Daughter of Thomas.
Dudley,
Sarah Daughter of
Thomas. (G.R., LXXV, 236).
Dudley, Mercy
Daughter of Thomas.
Dudley, Thomas,
Jr. Son of Thomas (G.R. LXXV,
236).
Dutton, _______
In Winthrop's list but no further
record.
p.69
Edmunds, John Boston
Probably from Essex. Member church 1630, No.
63.
Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R.,
I, 366).
Edmunds, Mary
Wife of John.
Eggleston, Bigod
Dorchester
From Settrington, co.
York. Baptized 20 Feb 1586.
Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R., I, 80) Removed
to
Windsor, Conn.
Ellis,
Arthur Juryman 28
Sept 1630 (M.C.R., I, 78). No
further
record. Probably died or returned.
Elston, John
Salem
Probably one of Cradock's servants
(Prince,
Chronology).
Fayerweather, Thomas Boston
Origin undetermined. Freeman 14 May 1634
(M.C.R., I, 369). Member church No.
101.
Inventory estate taken 8
(11), 1638/9.
Feake, Robert, Gentleman. Watertown
From St. Edmunds,
Lombard St., London.
Son of James
Feake of London, goldsmith.
Applied
freeman 19 Oct 1630 (M.C.R., I, 79).
Freeman 18 May 1631 (ibid., I, 366).
Married Mrs. Elizabeth (Fones)
Winthrop,
widow of Henry (son
of governor). Removed
to Long
Island. Died 1662.
Fiennes, Charles
Brother of Earl of Lincoln. Returned
to
England (G.R., LXXV,
236).
Finch, Abraham Watertown
Said to have been born 1585 in
Yorkshire
(Mead, History
Greenwich). Brought three
sons as below. Freeman 3 Sept 1634; re-
moved to Wethersfield. Called 'Old
Finch';
died 1638. The name
Finch is found in many
parishes of
Essex - a more likely origin of
this family.
Finch, Abraham, Jr.
Son of Abraham. Said to have been killed
by
Indians
1637.
p.70
Finch, Daniel
Son of Abraham, Watertown. Freeman 18 May
1631
(M.C.R., I, 365). Removed to
Wethersfield where
he died 27
(11) 1673/4.
Finch, John
Son of Abraham, Watertown. Removed to
Wethersfield
and later to
Fairfield where he died 1657 (Fairfield
Land Records A-239).
Firman,
John Watertown
From Nayland, co. Suffolk (Gregory Stone
Genealogy).
Freeman 18 May 1631
(M.C.R., I, 366).
Firmin, Giles Jr.
From Nayland, co. Suffolk (Waters & Emerton).
Church
member No. 145.
Freeman 22 May 1639 (M.C.R., I, 376).
Firmin, Martha
(Doggett) Wife of Giles
Firmin.
Fitzrandolph, Edward Scituate
From
Sutton-in-Ashfield, Notts. Came in 1630, accord-
ing to diary of his grandson Nathaniel of New
Jersey.
Probably an apprentice when
he emigrated, and perhaps
one of
those freed in 1630 when provisions became scarce
(Dudley Letter). Several of them went to Plymouth
Colony
and stayed there.
Fitzrandolph married in Scituate. In
1669 he removed to New Jersey (Pope).
Fox,
Thomas Boston
Probably from London or vicinity.
Servant to Matthew
Cradock.
Removed to Cambridge. Born 1608; died 1693,
April 25, aqed 85 (M.C.R., I. 84).
Foxwell,
Richard Boston
Tailor. Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R., I,
80) Removed to
Plymouth,
Scituate, Barnstable. Probably from St. Bridget's
London, as he was a member of Rev. John Lathrop's
church
which met in a near-by
parish. Freeman 18 May 1631
(M.C.R., I, 80).
Foxwell, ______
Wife of Richard.
Foxwell,
John Son of
Richard.
p.71
Freeman, Samuel
From St. Anne, Blackfriars, London. Son of
John and
Priscilla (?) Freeman. Probably
returned to England.
Freeman, Apphia (Quick)
Wife of Samuel. Daughter of William Quick of
London.
She divorced him and married (2) Gov.
Thomas Prence.
Freeman, Henry
Son of Samuel.
French, Thomas Boston
From
Assington, co. Suffolk. Settled Ipswich and
died before 5 Nov 1639.
French, Susan (Riddlesdale)
Wife of Thomas.
French, Thomas, Jr.
Son of Thomas, born 1608. Mentioned in letter
of
John Bluette of Groton as 'my scholar'
(L.& L.W.).
French, Alice
Daughter of Thomas. Born
1616.
French, Anne
Daughter of Thomas. Born 1618.
French, John
Son of Thomas. Born
1622.
French, Mary
Daughter of Thomas. Born 1625.
Frothingham,
William Charlestown
From Holderness, Yorkshire (Wyman, Charlestown
Genealogies). Applied freeman 19 Oct 1630;
Freeman
6 March 1631/2 (M.C.R., I, 80). Died 18
(8) 1651.
Frothingham, Anne
Wife of William. Member church Boston 1630;
died
28 July 1674 aged 67 (b.
1607).
Gage, John Boston
Probably from Polstead, Suffolk, near Groton.
Member church No. 50. Freeman 4 March 1633/4
(M.C.R., I, 368). Removed to Ipswich 1633.
Died 24 March 1672/3.
Gage, Amy
Wife of John
(Pope).
Gager, William Charlestown
From Suffolk. Surgeon,
employed by the Massachusetts
Bay Company.
Died 20 Sept 1630 (M.C.R., I, 74).
____,_____
Servant to Doctor Gager, name
unknown (L.&L.W.).
p.72
Garrett, Hugh
Inhabitant of Charlestown
1630 (Ch. Ch. Rec., 3).
Garrett, Richard Boston
Probably
from Chelmsford, Essex, or vicinity.
Shoemaker. Member church 1630. Applied freeman
19 Oct 1630. (M.C.R., I, 78). Died 28 Dec
1630
(Suff. Deeds, III,
344).
Garrett, ____
Wife of Richard (Pope).
Garrett, Hannah
Daughter of Richard. Died
December 1632.
Garrett, _____
Daughter of Richard (Winthrop, I, 54-6).
Gibson,
Christopher Dorchester
From Wendover, co. Bucks (G.R., LXV, 65).
Chandler. Applied freeman 19 Oct 1630
(M.C.R., I, 80).
Gibson, Mary
Wife of Christopher
(Pope).
Gibson, Elizabeth
From St. Andrew the Great, Cambridge; born about
1614
Probably came with some relative, as
she was married to
Capt. John Endicott
shortly after arrival at Salem, by
Gov.
Winthrop assisted by Rev. John Wilson (Winthrop).
Glover,
Ralph Boston
From London. Applied freeman 19 Oct 1630
(M.C.R., I, 79).
Admin. estate 2 July
1633.
Glover, John Dorchester
From Rainhill, Lancashire, son of Thomas
Glover (Suffolk
Deeds I, 333).
Tanner. Did not join church until 1638.
Removed to Boston. Will proved 9 Feb 1653.
Glover, Anne
( ) Wife of
John.
Goldthwaite, Thomas Roxbury
Cooper. Entered
suit against Mr. Pelham 14 June 1631.
Freeman 14, May 1634 (M.C.R., I, 368). Removed to Salem
where he died 1683 aged about 75 years (Perley,
History
of Salem, I, 356); name not found in
usual English sources.
Goldthwaite, Elizabeth
Wife of Thomas (Pope).
Winthrop Fleet of 1630
APPENDIX A
ALPHABETICAL LIST OF
PASSENGERS
[p.
73 to p. ]
p.73
Gosnall, Henry Boston
Probably
from Bury St. Edmunds, Suffolk.
Member
church 1630, No. 29. No further record.
Gosnall, Mary
Wife of Henry. Member
church 1630.
Gosse (Goffe), John Watertown
Origin
undetermined. Freeman 18 May 1631.
Died
Feb 1643/4 (M.C.R., I, 366).
Gosse (Goffe), Sarah
Wife of John. She married (2) Robert Nichols
and removed to Southampton or Southold, Long
Island. (Pope).
Goulworth, John
Punished 28 Sept 1630 (M.C.R., I,
77).
No further record.
Gridley,
Richard Boston
From Groton, Suffolk. Mason.
Deposed
2 July 1660 aged 59 years (G.R., LXXVI,
240)
(B.T.R., 1631).
Gridley,
Grace Wife of Richard.
(G.R., LXXVI, 240) (Pope).
Gridley, Joseph
Son of Richard (G.R., LXXVI,
240).
Gridley, Abraham Son
of Richard (G.R., LXXVI, 240).
Gyver, Bridget Boston
Member church 1630, No. 147. From Saffron
Walden, co. Essex.
Haddon, Garrett Cambridge
English origin
not determined. Cambridge 1632,
Salisbury 1640. Tailor. Member church 1630/1,
No. 96. Freeman 14 May 1634 (M.C.R., I,
369).
Deposed 14 (2) 1668 aged about 60 (b.
1608).
Haddon, Margaret
Wife of Garrett (Hoyt, Old Families Salisbury,
191).
Hale, Robert Charlestown
Origin undetermined.
Carpenter. Removed to
Malden; became
minister at Beverly (G.R., XIII,
315). Died 16 (5) 1659 (Ch.Ch.Rec.1630).
Hale,
Joan Wife of
Robert. She married (2) Richard Jacob
(Pope).
Hall, John Charlestown
From Whitechapel, London. Carpenter.
Freeman
14 May 1634. Died about Dec 1639
(Ch.Ch.Rec.
1630)
(Savage).
p.74
Hall, Joan (Dove)
Wife of John. From Bethnal Green,
Stepney.
Married 1618.
Hammond,
Philippa Widow. She
married Robert Harding. Was an
adherent of
Mrs. Hutchinson. Member church
1630
Harding, Robert Boston
Probably
from Boreham, Essex. Brother of
Abraham Harding. Merchant, mariner. Juror
1630 (M.C.R., I, 78). Freeman 18 May 1631
(M.C.R., I, 366). Newport 1640.
Harris,
Thomas Charlestown
This passenger appears under an 'alias
Williams' when he requested admission as
freeman 19 Oct 1630; as Thomas Williams he
was made Freeman 19 May 1631 (M.C.R., I, 80,
366); died 1632/3. See Williams.
Harris,
Elizabeth Wife of Thomas; she
m. (2) William Stilson,
1633 (Wyman,
Charlestown Gen., 467, 902).
Harwood, Henry Boston
Probably
from Shenfield, Essex. Herdman.
Applied freeman 19 Oct 1630 (M.C.R., I, 80).
Freeman 4 March 1632/3. Removed to Charles-
town. Inventory estate 5 (10) 1637.
Harwood,
Elizabeth Wife of Henry. Admitted
church 1632 (Pope).
Hawke, ______
In Winthrop's list, but no further
record.
Hawkins, John
Church member 1630; no further record. Died
soon.
Hawthorne, William Dorchester
From Binfield,
Berks. Removed to Salem.
Freeman 14
May 1634 (M.C.R., I, 368).
Ancestor of the
famous novelist, Nathaniel
Hawthorne and a
distinguished official of the
Colony.
(Henry F. Waters, Essex Institute,
XVII,
52).
p.75
Hesselden, Francis
Church member 1630, No. 34. Died soon. No
further record. Perhaps from Boston,
Lincoln-
shire.
Hoames, Margaret
Church member 1630, No. 20. No
further record.
Hoffe, ____
This name appears in Winthrop's list minus
his
Christian name. No person named
Hoffe is found
among the early settlers but it
is probable that
it refers to Mr. Atherton
Hough of Boston,
Lincolnshire, who came to
New England 1633 with
his pastor, Rev. John
Cotton. He may have been
a passenger
with Winthrop at this time for the
purpose of
viewing the country and reporting
on its
desirability for settlement. Winthrop
calls him 'Hoffe' in his Journal.
[see also
Great Migration Begins, Anderson -
p.1005, vol
II; m. 1617/8 Elizabeth (Bulkeley)
Whittingham, dau of Rev. Edward & Olive (Irby)
Bulkeley & widow of Richard Whittingham.]
Hopwood,
Edward Returned to
England 1630 (Winthrop MSS., W.I., 81).
Horne, John
English origin
undetermined. Carpenter. Freeman
18 May 1631 (M.C.R., I, 366) Deposed in 1662, aged
60.
Hosier, Samuel Watertown
From Colchester,
Essex (Lechford). Planter.
Freeman 18
May 1631. Died 29 July 1665
(M.C.R., I,
80).
Howlett, Thomas Boston
From co Suffolk, England.
Removed Ipswich 1633.
Deposed 1658, aged
52. Church member 1630.
Hudson, William Boston
Probably from Chatham, Kent. Baker. Freeman
18 May 1631. (Ch Rec., 1630). Returned to
England and became Ensign in Col. Rainsborough's
Regiment.
Hudson, Susan
Wife of William (Boston Ch. Rec.)
(Pope).
Hudson, Francis
Son of William. Born 1611 (Pope).
Hudson,
William, Jr Son of William
(Pope).
p.76
Hulbirt, William Boston
Origin
undetermined. Removed to Windsor, Hartford,
Northampton. Freeman 2 April 1632 (M.C.R., I,
367).
Hutchins, Richard
Applied freeman 18 May 1630 (M.C.R., I, 80).
No
further record.
Hutchinson,
George Charlestown
From London. Member church 1630, No. 53.
Freeman
1 April 1634 (M.C.R., I,
368).
Hutchinson, Margaret Wife of
George (Pope).
Hutchinson, Thomas Charlestown
From London.
Member church 1630 No. 52. Marked 'dead.'
Ijons (Irons)
Matthias Probably from Danbury or Roxwell co.
Essex. Servant
of William Colborn who
came 1630. Had child baptized
5 April
1631 (Boston Ch. Rec.).
Ijons (Irons) Anne
Wife of Matthias (Boston Ch. Rec.).
James,
Edmond Watertown
From Earl's Barton, co. Northants.
Applied
freeman 19 Oct 1630 (M.C.R., I,
80). Died before
1640.
James,
Reana Wife of
Edmond (Pope). She m. (2) William Andrews
(Middlesex Deeds III, 7).
James, Thomas Salem
From Earl's Barton, Member church 1630, No. 149.
James, Elizabeth Wife of
Thomas. Member church, No. 150.
James, William Salem
From Earl's Barton, co. Northants. Applied
freeman
19 Oct 1630 (M.C.R., I,
80).
James, Elizabeth Wife
of William.
Jarvis, John Boston
Juryman 28 Sept 1630
(M.C.R., I. 78). Died 1656.
Johnson, Davy
Dorchester
Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R., I, 366).
Died 1636.
Johnson, Francis Salem
Probably from
London. Merchant. Nephew of Christopher
Colson, an Assistant of the Massachusetts Bay Company
1629 (M.C.R., IV, 429). Freeman 18 May
1631.
p.77
Johnson, Joan
Wife of Francis Johnson (Pope).
Johnson,
Isaac Salem
Born 1601, died Sept. 1630. Son of Abraham
Johnson,
Esq. of So. Luffenham, co, Rutland,
but resided at
Clipsham, same county.
Married (lic. 5 April 1623)
the Lady
Arbella, daughter of Thomas, third Earl of
Lincoln (M.C.R., I, 78). He was the Founder
of
Boston (Prince, N.E. Chronology,
249).
Johnson, Arbella
From Sempringham, Lincolnshire. Born 1601;
died
August 1630. (M.C.R., I,
78).
Johnson, John Roxbury
Origin undetermined. Freeman 18 May
1631. Constable
19 Oct 1630.
Died 30 (7) 1659. (M.C.R., I, 75).
Johnson, Margaret
Wife of John. Died 9 (4) 1655
(Pope).
Johnson, Richard Charleston
Removed to
Salem. Deposed 1663 aged 51. Freeman
17 May 1637 (M.C.R., I, 367). He was here
before
court in March 1631 (M.C.R., I,
84). Origin un-
determined.
Johnson, Alice
Wife of Richard (Pope).
Jones,
Bethia Boston
Member church 1630 (Boston Ch.Rec.).
Removed to
Salem (Pope).,
Jones,
Edward
Charlestown
From Chester. Mercer. (Harl. MSS., 1972 fo. 44d)
Freeman 18 May 1631. (M.C.R., I, 366). He
sold his
house and lands in 1644. No
further record.
Kidby, Lewis Boston
The identity of this
passenger is not established,
but he was
probably a neighbor of Governor Winthrop
in Groton. In a letter to his wife he mentions
the
death of 'one of L. Kidbys
sons.' It is therefore
probable that
one of the name living later in Boston
was one who survived. (L. & L. W.,
II).
Kidby, ____
Wife of Lewis.
Kidby, ____
Son of above. Died
1630.
p.78
Kidby, Edward
A sawyer, living in Boston and later in Roxbury,
with
a family.
Kingsbury,
Henry Boston
Came in the Talbot from Groton, Suffolk.
First Church
member No. 25. Died
soon after arrival (Winthrop).
Kingsbury, Margaret
Wife of Henry. First Church member, No.
26.
Kingsbury, Henry, Jr. Son of Henry.
Born 1615; died 1 Oct. 1687. Ipswich,
Rowley, Haverhill (Pope).
Kingsbury, Thomas
In Gov. Winthrop's list. No further
record. Died or
returned.
Knapp, Nicholas Watertown
Probably from
Bures St. Mary, Suffolk. Sold his land, etc.
6 (3) 1646 (Frost Gen. p. 372). Sold medicine for
the
scurvy (M.C.R., I,
83).
Knapp, Elinor
Wife of Nicholas (B.T.R.).
Knapp, William Watertown
Probably from Bures St.
Mary, co. Suffolk. Born about
1579; died 30
Aug. 1659. Mentioned 3 Nov 1630 in
Colonial Records (M.C.R., I, 82).
Knapp,
____ Wife of
William.
Knapp, John
Son of William. (Pope).
Knapp, Anne
Daughter of William
(Pope).
Knapp, Judith
Daughter of William (Pope).
Knapp, Mary
Daughter of William
(Pope).
Knapp, James
Son of William (Pope).
Knapp, John
Son of William
(Pope).
Knapp, William, Jr. Son of
William (Pope).
Knower, George Charlestown
Probably from London. Born 1607;
died 13 Feb. 1674
aged 67. (Lechford,
203).
Knower, Thomas Charlestown
From London. Clothier.
(Pope).
Lamb, Edward Watertown
Origin not determined. Among first
settlers of
Watertown (Bond). Died
about 1650 and widow
Margaret married (2)
Samuel Allen (Pope).
p.79
Lamb, Thomas
Roxbury
Perhaps from Stowe
Langtoft, co. Suffolk. Freeman
18 May 1631
(M.C.R., I, 366). Died 3 April 1646.
Lamb, Elizabeth
Wife of Thomas. Buried 28 Nov
1639 (Pope).
Lamb, Thomas Jr
Son of Thomas (Eliot).
Lamb, John
Son of Thomas
(Eliot).
Lamb, Samuel
Son of Thomas (Eliot).
Lamb, Roger
Origin not
determined. Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R., I, 366).
No residence known and no further record.
Lawson,
Henry Probably
from London. Mentioned 14 June 1631 (M.C.R., I, 88).
No further record.
Learned, William
Charlestown
Probably from Bermondsey, Surrey.
Freeman 14 May 1634
(M.C.R., I, 368).
Died 1 March 1645 (Pope).
Learned, Judith
Wife of William. Admitted church 6
(10) 1632 (Ch.Ch.Rec.).
Leatherland, William Boston
Origin
undetermined, but probably London, as he was servant
of Owen Rowe, a silk merchant of All Hallows, Honey
Lane,
London, one of the members of the
Massachusetts Bay Company.
Leatherland was a
carpenter, born 1608. Admitted church
24
Nov 1633; Freeman 4 March 1634/5 (M.C.R., I, 370).
Legge,
John Lynn
Probably from London. In the service of Mr.
John Humphrey
3 May 1631 (M.C.R., I,
86). Deposed 1657, aged 45 (b. 1612).
Will
proved 2 (5) 1674.
Lockwood, Edmond Cambridge
Son of Edmond.
From Combs, Suffolk. Baptized 9 Feb 1594.
Winthrop writes about money to be paid to Downing for
Lockwood: 'let Mr. Peirce be payd his bill of
provisions
and bring the rest with you'
(Winthrop MSS., W. 7a 45).
p.80
Lockwood, Elizabeth
Wife of Edmond (Pope). Died
soon.
Lockwood, _____
Child of Edmond.
Lockwood, Robert
Son of Edmond of Combs, Suffolk. Baptized
18 Jan 1600. Probably brother of
Edmond
(Banks MSS.). He may be the
'Sergeant'
following the name of Lockwood
in Winthrop's
to distinguish the two
brothers.
Lynton, Richard Watertown
Probably from St. Botolph,
Aldgate, London.
Juror 28 Sept 1630
(M.C.R., I, 78). Died
30 (11)
1665.
Lynton, ____
Wife of Richard (Pope).
Lynton, Anna
Daughter of Richard
(Pope).
Lynton, Lydia
Daughter of Richard (Pope).
Lynn, Henry
Origin
undetermined. In court 28 Sept
1630.
Whipped and banished Sept 1631
(M.C.R., I,
77, 91). Removed to Aga-
menticus
(York), Maine, and died about
1644 in
Virginia.
Lynn, Sarah
Wife of Henry (Pope).
Masters,
John Watertown
Probably from Suffolk. Freeman 18 May
1631
(M.C.R., I, 366). Removed to
Cambridge. Died
21 Dec 1639.
Masters,
Jane Wife of
John.
Masters, Sarah
Daughter of John (Pope).
Masters, Lydia
Daughter of John (Pope).
Masters,
Elizabeth Daughter of John
(Pope).
Masters, Nathaniel Son of
John (Pope).
Masters, Abraham
Son of John (Pope).
Matson, Thomas
From London. Admitted church 1630, No.
85
Will 9 June 1676; probated 26 April
1677.
Freeman 4 March 1633/4 (M.C.R., I,
368).
Matson, Amy (or Ann) Wife of
Thomas. She was sister-in-law of
Mrs.
Chambers, widow of Thomas, citizen
and
cloth-worker of St. Mary Abchurch, London.
(Pope).
p.81
Mayhew, Thomas Watertown
From Southampton
probably, but born in 1592 at
Tisbury,
co. Wilts. Died at Martha's Vineyard
(Banks, History of Martha's Vineyard).
Mayhew, _____
Wife of Thomas, Sr.
She died soon after arrival.
Mayhew, Thomas Jr
Son of Thomas, Sr. The famous Indian
missionary.
lost at sea 1657 (Banks, History
of Martha's
Vineyard).
Miller,
____ In Winthrop's
list, but no further record.
Millett, Richard
Perhaps from London or Southwark.
Applied
for freeman 18 Oct 1630 (M.C.R., I,
80);
Freeman 11 June 1633 (M.C.R., I, 368).
No
further record.
Mills, John
Boston
Perhaps from Lavenham, co. Suffolk. Said he
was descended from a line of ministers
'unto
the third if not the fourth
generations' (will).
Member church No.
33. Applied freeman 19 Oct
1630
(M.C.R., I, 80); Freeman March 1631/2 (ibid
I,
367). Died 5 July 1678.
Mills, Susan
Wife of John. Member church No.
34. Died 10
(10) 1675, aged 80 years
(Pope).
Mills, Joy
Daughter of John (Pope).
Mills, Mary
Daughter of John.
Married James Hawkins (Pope).
Mills, John Jr
Son of John (Pope).
Mills,
Susanna Daughter of
John. Married William Dawes (Pope).
Mills, Recompense
Daughter of John
(Pope).
Morey, Roger Salem
This name appears as
Moorey and Mowry. Origin
undetermined. Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R., I, 366).
He removed to Rhode Island.
Morley,
Ralph Charlestown
From London. Died Sept 1630 (Pope).
Morley,
Catherine Widow of Ralph
(Pope) (Wyman, 685).
p.82
Morris, Richard Boston
Probably from London. Held military rank and
wrote a Latin epistle to Capt John Underhill
(Lechford). Removed to Dover 1639.
Member
First Church 1630 (M.C.R., I, 81).
Probably
removed to Portsmouth, R.I. about
1641. No
further record in Massachusetts
after 1654.
Morris, Lenora
Wife of Richard. Member church 1630 (Pope).
She was called 'agged and weak' in 1647
(Documentary History, R.I., II, 180).
Morris,
Thomas Boston
Probably from Nottingham; died early (Savage).
Morris, Sarah
Wife of Thomas,
daughter of William and Anne
Cowlishaw
(q.v.).
Morton, Mary
She may have come from Colchester and was a
servant to Mrs. Downing in 1629 (L. & L. W.,
291).
Probably the 'Mary M' one of the
servants of Winthrop
mentioned in letter to
his wife 2 March 1629/30 (ibid.).
Church
member No. 86.
Moulton, Thomas Charlestown
Origin undetermined.
Fisherman and Master of Ralph
Glover's boat 3
Nov 1630 (M.C.R., I, 82). Deposed
4 (4) 1639,
aged 30 (b. 1609).
Moulton, Jane
Wife of Thomas. Deposed 1654 aged 45 (b.
1609).
Mousall, Ralph Charlestown
Probably from London.
Recorded as Freeman 18 May
1631 as 'Rafe
Mushell' (M.C.R., I, 366). Deposed
1663 aged
67 (b. 1596). Died 27 March 1665.
[see
also Great Migration Begins, Anderson vol II
p.1310: has death 30 April 1657; will dated 13 April
1657].
Mousall, Alice
Wife of Ralph (Pope).
Munt,
Thomas Boston
Probably from Colchester, Essex, or vicinity.
Mason;
apprentice to Richard Garrett
(Winthrop) (Suffolk Deeds
III). He died in
1664.
Munt, Dorothy
Wife of Thomas. She died 28 (12)
1639.
p.83
Nash, Gregory Charlestown
Died 1630
(Ch.Ch.Rec.).
Nash, _______
Wife of Gregory. Died 1630.
(Ch.Ch.Rec.).
Needham, Ann
Member church 1630, No. 100. Nothing further
is known of her or of her relationship to
others of the name living in the
Colony.
Nicolls, ____
In Gov Winthrop's list. No further
record.
Died or returned.
Nowell,
Increase Charlestown
From Trinity the Less, Minories, London.
Although an Assistant he did not apply for
freeman with the rest and was not elected
until
25 May 1636 (M.C.R., I, 372). Member of
First
Church, No. 5. Died 1 Nov
1655.
Nowell, Parnell (Gray) Parker
Wife
of Increase. Member of First Church, No. 13.
She died 25 March 1687 aged 84. She was of a
Harwich, Essex family.
Odlin, John
See
Audley.
Page, John Watertown
From Dedham, Essex (Wheeler,
History of Stonington, 502).
Applied freeman 19
Oct 1630 (M.C.R., I, 79). Freeman
18
May 1631 (ibid., I, 366). Died 18 Dec 1676 aged
about 90 (b. 1586).
Page, Phebe (Paine)
Wife of John. Died 25 Sept 1677, aged about
87.
(Hammond Gen., I, 59).
Page,
John Son of
John. Freeman 8 Oct 1640 (M.C.R., I, 378).
Page, Daniel
Son of John
(Pope).
Painter, Thomas
Juryman 28 Sept 1630 (M.C.R., I, 78). Freeman 12
Oct
1640 (ibid., I, 378). He became
an Anabaptist (Winthrop).
Painter, Katherine
Wife of Thomas. She died 1641 (Pope).
Palmer,
Abraham Charlestown
From Canterbury, Kent (Banks MSS). Merchant.
Died
at Barbados about
1653.
p.84
Palmer, Grace
Wife of Abraham. Died Dec 1660.
(Pope).
Palsford, Edward
His passage money of 5 pounds was paid, but
nothing more is known of him. Either died
or returned (L. & L. W., 22 March 1629/30).
Palsgrave,
Richard Charlestown
Descent claimed from a Norfolk family.
Probably from London. Applied freeman 19 Oct
1630 (M.C.R., I, 80); Freeman 18 May 1631
(ibid.,
I, 366). Member of First Church
No. 105. Physician
Died between June and
October 1651.
Palsgrave, Anne
Wife of Richard. Member of First Church, No. 106.
She returned to Stepney, England before 1656
but
came back to New England where she died
17 (11)
1669, aged 75 (Pope).
Palsgrave,
John Son of Richard
(Pope).
Palsgrave, Anna
Daughter of Richard (Pope).
Palsgrave, Mary
Daughter of Richard
(Pope).
Palsgrave, Sarah
Daughter of Richard (Pope).
Parke, Robert
Probably from Bures, co. Suffolk,
or vicinity. Born
about 1585.
Came in Arbella (Stiles, History of
Wethersfield). He married (2) Mrs. Alice
Thompson,
widow of John of Preston, co.
Northants. May be re-
lated to Edward
Parke who called Winthrop 'cousin'
(see G.R.,
XL, 38; XLIX, 455. Also Parke Gen.).
Parke, Martha
(Chaplin) Wife of Robert (History of
Wethersfield).
Parke, Thomas
Son of Robert. He married Dorothy Thompson,
daughter of his father's second wife, and
lived in
Stonington and New
London.
Parke, _____
Child of Robert (History of Wethersfield).
Parke,
_____ Child of
Robert (History of Wethersfield).
Parke, _____
Child of Robert (History of
Wethersfield).
Parker, Robert Boston
Perhaps from Manchester,
co. Lancaster.
Savage (III, 355) thinks
from Woolpit, Suffolk.
Deposed 1670 aged
66. Servant to Wm. Aspinwall.
Admitted
church 9 (1) 1634 (continued p. 85)
p. 85
Robert
Parker cont'd Freeman 4 March 1634/5
(M.C.R., I, 370). Removed to Cambridge. Married
Judith, widow of Richard Bugby, who died 1682 aged
80. He died 21 March 1685, aged about 82
years.
Patrick, Captain Daniel Watertown
Freeman 18 May 1631
(M.C.R., I, 366). One of the
military
officers employed by the Company. Formerly
served in Holland. Removed to Connecticut where he
was killed about March 1643.
Patrick
_______ Wife of
Daniel. She was a Dutch woman (Winthrop).
Pelham,
William Boston
Applied freeman 19 Oct 1630. (M.C.R., I, 79).
No
record of election as freeman.
Removed to Sudbury.
Captain
1645.
Pemberton, James Charlestown
Origin undetermined but probably
from Essex. Freeman
19 Oct 1630
(M.C.R., I, 80). He died 5 Feb 1661/2.
Pemberton, Alice
Wife of James.
Pemberton,
John Brother of
James. Member church 1632 (Pope).
Freeman 1 April 1634 (M.C.R., I, 368). Returned to
England and died in 1654 at Lawford, co. Essex (G.R.,
XXXIX, 61).
Pemberton, Elizabeth
Wife of John (Pope).
Penn, James Boston
Probably from London. Appointed a beadle to attend
the Governor 23 Aug 1630 (M.C.R., I, 74).
Applied
freeman 19 Oct 1630 (ibid., I,
79). Will 29 (7)
1671; probated 23 (8)
1671. Member church 1630, No.
31.
Penn, Katherine
Wife of James. Member church, No. 32. Will 25
Oct
1679 (Suffolk Probate).
Penn,
William Charlestown
From Birmingham, co. Warwick (Massachusetts
Archives,
VIII, 92). Removed to
Braintree. Shoemaker (Ch.Ch.
Rec.,
3).
p.86
Penniman, James Boston
From Widford, co.
Essex. Member church, No. 117.
Freeman 6
March 1631/2 (M.C.R., I, 367). Removed
to
Braintree. He died 26 (10) 1664.
Penniman, Lydia
Wife of James. Sister of John
Eliot. She m. (2)
Thomas
Wight. Member church, No. 118.
Perry, Isaac
Origin not determined.
Member church 1630, No. 119.
Freeman 6 March
1631/2 (M.C.R., I, 367). No further
record.
Peters, (Pettit), Anne 'Received from
Salem.' Member church 1630, No. 104.
From
Saffron Walden.
Phillips, Rev. George
Watertown
A native of Raynham, co. Norfolk, but at
time of
emigration was preaching at Boxford,
Suffolk. Died
1 July 1644 (M.C.R., I,
73).
Phillips, _____
Wife of Rev. George Phillips. She was daughter of
Richard Sergeant. Died 1630 (Dudley
Letter).
Phillips, Samuel
Son of Rev. George Phillips (Bond).
Phillips, Abigail
Daughter of Rev. George Phillips
(Bond).
Phillips, Elizabeth
Daughter of Rev. George Phillips
(Bond).
Phillips, John Dorchester
Applied freeman 19 Oct 1630 (M.C.R., I,
80).
Freeman 7 Aug 1632 (ibid., I, 367).
Removed
to Boston. Died 1683.
Phillips,
Joan Wife of John.
Died 1675 aged 80 (gravestone).
Phillips, John Boston
Another of the name; came over as a servant and was
released from apprenticeship the first year;
removed
to Plymouth where his Master sold his
time to another (?)
(Drake, History of
Boston, 132); probably identical with
John
Phillips, later of Duxbury, where he lived and died
in 1691, aged 89 years (Pope).
Pickering,
John Cambridge
Probably from Suffolk, Sudbury district. Before
Court
Sept 1630 (M.C.R., I, 77).
p.87
Pickering, Esther
Wife of John.
Pickering, George
Son of John.
Pickering, John
Jr. Son of John.
Pickering,
Joan Daughter of
John.
Pickworth, John
Origin unknown; came as a servant and was released
during
the famine period; removed to Plymough
and married (G.R.,
II, 243).
Pierce,
John Dorchester
Cooper. Freeman 18 May, 1631 (M.C.R., I, 366). He
died
1661 (Pope).
Pierce,
Parnell Wife of
John. Died Oct 1639 (Pope).
Pierce, Experience
Daughter of John (Pope).
Pierce, Mercy
Daughter of John
(Pope).
Pierce, Samuel
Son of John (Pope).
Plaistow, Josiah,
gentleman Boston
From Ramsden Crays, Essex. Sent back to
England
1 March 1630/1. (M.C.R., I,
82).
Pollard, Mrs. Anne See
Appendix E.
Pond, John Boston
From Groton, Suffolk (Winthrop
MSS.).
Returned to England.
Pond,
Robert Dorchester
From Groton, Suffolk (Winthrop MSS.).
Carpenter. Died 1637.
Pond, Mary
Wife of Robert. She
married (2) John Blackman.
Porter, John Roxbury
Perhaps
from Bromfield, Essex. (Banks MSS.).
Freeman 5
November 1633 (M.C.R. I, 368). Removed
to Boston and allied himself with the supporters of
Mrs. Hutchinson and Wheelwright and soon removed
to
Rhode Island (1638) settling at
Newport. Assistant
1641 was of
Portsmouth 1655 and Wickford 1674
(Hazard,
II, 612).
Porter, Margaret
Wife of John.
Porter, _____
Child of John.
Porter, _____
Child of
John.
Porter, _____
Child of John.
Porter, _____
Child of
John.
p.88
Pratt, Dr. Abraham Roxbury
Came from
London. Had served as surgeon in Holland
with English Army. Juror 1630 (M.C.R., I, 77).
Applied
freeman 19 Oct 1630 (M.C.R., I,
80). He and his wife were
lost at sea
off the coast of Spain in 1644.
Pratt, Jane
Wife of Abraham
(Pope).
Pynchon, William, gentleman Dorchester
From Writtle, co.
Essex. Founder of Springfield which
he
named for a parish adjoining his ancestral home. Re-
turned to England in 1662 and died there (M.C.R., I,
73).
Although an Assistant he was not in
sympathy with the
Puritan rule and a book
he had written on a theoligical
subject was
burned in the Public Square in 1651 at Boston.
Pynchon, Agnes
Wife of William. Died 1630
(Dudley Letter).
Pynchon, John
Son of William.
Pynchon, Anne
Daughter of William. (G.R.,
LXXV, 236).
Pynchon, Mary
Daughter of William. (G.R. LXXV, 236).
Pynchon,
Margaret Daughter of William.
(G.R. LXXV, 236).
Rainsford, Edward
Cooper, merchant. Freeman 17 April 1637
(M.C.R., I, 373). Member church 1630, No.
62.
Deposed 29 (10) 1671, aged about 60
years. The
English historian of this
family has not identified
him.
Rainsford, _____ Wife
of Edward. Died June 1632 (Pope).
Ratcliffe,
Philip Salem
Probably from London, a servant of
Craddock. For
'malicious speeches'
against government convicted
14 June, 1631; to
have ears cut off (M.C.R., I, 88).
Roger Clapp
said he saw the execution of this barbarous
sentence (Memoirs).
Rawlins, Thomas Roxbury
Probably from
Essex (vicinity of Nazing) where the name
is
very common. Carpenter. Applied freeman 19 Oct 1630;
Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R., I, 80, 366). Died
15 March
1660.
Rawlins, Mary
Wife of Thomas. Died
1639 (Eliot).
p.89
Rawlins, Thomas Jr
Son of Thomas (Pope).
Rawlins, Nathaniel
Son of Thomas (Pope).
Rawlins,
John Son of Thomas
(Pope).
Rawlins, Joan
Daughter of Thomas (Pope).
Rawlins, Mary
Daughter of Thomas (Pope).
Reade,
Thomas Salem
From Wickford, Essex. Juror 28 Sept
1630.
(M.C.R., I, 78). Freeman 1
April 1634.
(ibid., I, 368). He returned
to England.
Reade, Priscilla
Wife of Thomas. She was daughter of John
Banks of Maidstone, Kent.
Reading,
Joseph Boston
Origin undetermined. Member church, No.
95.
Removed to Cambridge 1633 and later
to Ipswich
where he died
1681.
Reading, Miles
Origin undetermined. Cooper. Freeman 14
May
1634 (M.C.R., I, 368). Member
church No. 82.
Died 1671.
Reeder,
______ In Gov.
Winthrop's list. No further record.
Died or returned.
Revell, John
From London.
Fishmonger. Assistant. Returned
in the Lyon 1630 (Winthrop); (Dudley
Letter).
Reynolds, Robert Boston
Probably from
Boxford, co. Suffolk. Born about
1580 (Gen. of Robert Reynolds, 7). Cordwainer.
First mentioned 1632. Admitted church
1634.
Freeman 3 Sept 1634 (M.C.R., I,
369).
Reynolds, Mary
Wife of Robert.
Reynolds, Nathaniel
Son of Robert.
Reynolds, Ruth
Daughter of Robert.
Reynolds,
Tabitha Daughter of
Robert.
Reynolds, Sarah
Daughter of Robert.
Richardson, Ezekiel Charlestown
From Westmill, co. Herts.
Planter. Freeman 18
May 1631 (M.C.R., I,
366). Died 21 Oct 1647.
(Ch.Ch.Rec.,
3).
Richardson, Susanna Wife of
Ezekiel. She married (2) Henry Brookes
(Pope).
p.90
Royse (Ryse),
Robert Boston
Possibly from Exning, Suffolk. No. 137 in
church
list of 1630. Freeman 1 April
1634 (M.C.R., I, 368).
Royse (Ryse), Elizabeth Wife of
Robert.
Ruggles, John
Probably from Glemsford, Suffolk. Church member
No. Boston
129. Freeman July 1632 (M.C.R., I,
367).
Ruggles, Frances
Wife of John. Church member No. 37 in
1630.
Ruggles, _____
Daughter of John. Died 1631. (Prince, II, 17,
69).
Ruggles, Jeffrey
From Sudbury, Suffolk. 'died soon'
(Ch.Ch.Rec.).
Ruggles, Margaret
Wife of Jeffrey. Church member No. 47 (Ch.Ch.Rec.)
1630
Sales, John
From Lavenham, co. Suffolk. Member church 1630, No.
21.
(Ch.Ch.Rec., 3).
Sales,
____ Wife of
John.
Sales, Phebe
Daughter of John (Pope).
Saltonstall, Sir
Richard Watertown
Of the family of Saltonstall of Yorkshire, but came
from
London. Freeman 18 May, 1631
(M.C.R., I, 73). He returned
to
England.
Saltonstall, Richard, Jr. Son of Sir Richard.
(Winthrop).
Saltonstall, Samuel Son of
Sir Richard. (Winthrop).
Saltonstall, Robert
Son of Sir Richard. (Winthrop).
Saltonstall, Rosamond
Daughter of Sir Richard. (Winthrop).
Saltonstall,
Grace Daughter of Sir Richard
(Winthrop).
Sampson, Robert
From Kersey, Suffolk. He either died or returned,
probably the former (L. & L.W., I,
68).
Sanford, John
Boston
From Essex county, perhaps High Ongar.
Merchant.
Church member No. 115.
Freeman April 1632.
(M.C.R., I,
367). Removed to Rhode Island.
Saxton, Rev.
Giles Charlestown
From Yorkshire (Magnalia, III, 214, and Lechford P.D.).
Juror Sept 1630 (M.C.R., I, 77). Freeman 18 May
1631
(ibid., I, 366). Probably
returned to England.
p.91
Scott, Robert Boston
Probably from London (servant of John
Sanford);
admitted church 15 Dec 1633;
haberdasher. Freeman
10 Sept 1636 (M.C.R.,
I, 372); died 1653 (G.L.).
Seaman, John Watertown
Probably from Suffolk,
but Genealogy states born
in Essex
(Seaman Gen., 13).
Seely, Robert Watertown
Origin undetermined.
Applied freeman 19 Oct 1630
(M.C.R., I,
80). Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R., I, 366).
Removed to Wethersfield, New Haven, Saybrook, and
Strat-
ford, Conn., and New York in
succession, dying in 1668
in the latter
place (Savage).
Sergeant, _____
This name appears in Winthrop's list, but no further
record has been found. No person of this
name is
known to have come to New England
as early as 1630, and
it is possible that
Winthrop meant to designate 'Sergeant'
Robert Lockwood by his title as the name appears next
to
the one believed to refer to Edmond
Lockwood (see under
Lockwood).
Sharp, Robert Boston
Probably from Roxwell, Essex. Lived near the Neck
(G.L.).
No further record; probably died
early or returned to
England.
Sharpe, Thomas Boston
From
London. Leather-seller. Member of church, No. 6.
His house burned 16 March 1630/1 (Winthrop).
Returned to
England.
Sharpe,
_____ Wife of
Thomas.
Sharpe, _____
Daughter of Thomas. Died 3 Jan 1630/1.
Sharpe,
Thomas Son of
Thomas.
Shut, ____
Sent back to England 1 March 1630/1 (M.C.R., I,
82).
p.92
Simpson, ____
In Winthrop's list, but nothing further known of
him.
Smead, ____
From Coggeshall, Essex. No further
record. Probably died
soon.
Smead,
Judith Wife of
____Smead. Sister of Israel Stoughton (Savage).
Smead,
William Son of Mrs. Judith
Smead (Savage).
Smith, ____
From Buxhall, Suffolk. 'Died soon'
(L. &L.W.).
Smith, ____
Wife of preceding (L. &
L.W.).
Smith, ____
Child of preceding. 'Died soon' (ibid.).
Smith,
____
Child of preceding. 'Died soon' (ibid.).
Smyth,
Francis Roxbury
Perhaps from Dunmow, co. Essex. Cardmaker. Juror
1630
(M.C.R., I, 77). Freeman 18
May 1631 (ibid., I, 366).
Smyth, ____
Wife of Francis. She was buried 15 March
1639 (Pope).
Squire, Thomas Charlestown
Probably from London. Freeman 14
May 1634 (M.C.R., I, 368).
Church member
1630, No. 83.
Stearns, Isaac Watertown
From Stoke Nayland,
Suffolk. Tailor. Freeman 18 May 1631.
(M.C.R., I, 366). Died 19 June 1671 (M.C.R., I,
86).
Stearns, Mary (Barker) Wife of
Isaac. Daughter of John Barker of Stoke Nayland.
(Bond).
Stearns, John
Son of Isaac (Bond).
Stearns, Abigail
Daughter of Isaac
(Bond).
Stearns, Elizabeth
Daughter of Isaac (Bond).
Stearns, Hannah
Daughter of Isaac
(Bond).
Stearns, Mary
Daughter of Isaac (Bond).
Stileman, Elias Salem
From
St. Andrew Undershaft, London, where he married
Judith Adams 28 Aug 1614. Freeman 3 July 1632
(M.C.R., I,
367).
Stileman,
Judith (Adams) Wife of Elias.
Stileman, Elias,
Jr Son of above, 1616.
Stoughton,
Israel Dorchester
From Coggeshall, Essex. Was opposed to the rule
of
Winthrop and disfranchised for
writing
p.93
an heretical
book. Returned to England and fought
under Cromwell in the Civil War, with the rank
of
Lieutenant Colonel in
Rainsborough's regiment.
(Savage). He died 1644 at
Lincoln.
Stoughton, Elizabeth Wife
of Israel.
Stoughton, Thomas Dorchester
From Coggeshall,
Essex. Brother of Israel.
Constable 28 Sept 1630. Applied freeman 19
Oct
1630 (M.C.R., I, 80); Freeman 18
May 1631 (ibid.,
366). Married to Mrs.
Margaret Huntington, widow
of Simon
Huntington, in 1635. He removed to
Windsor, Conn. where he died in 1642.
Stoughton,
_____ Wife of Thomas
(Savage).
Sumner, William Dorchester
Born in Bicester, co. Oxford.
Baptized 27 Jan 1604/5.
Son of Roger
and Joan (Franklin) Sumner. Died 9 Dec 1688.
(Genealogy).
Sumner, Mary (West)
Wife of William. Married 22 Oct 1625. Died 7
June
1676 (Pope).
Sumner,
William, Jr. Son of William.
(Pope).
Swaddon, Philip Watertown
One of his name was living in
Hilmarton, Wiltshire, 1620.
(P.C.C., 23,
Soame). Servant to Robert Seely but pur-
chased his freedom 1631 and removed to Kittery, Maine.
He
was born 1600 and was living in
1673.
Swanson, Anna
Member First Church, No. 141.
Talmadge, William Boston
From Newton Stacey, co. Hants. Carpenter.
Freeman 14
May 1634. (M.C.R., I,
369). Member First Church, No. 59.
Removed to Lynn.
Talmadge, ____
Wife of William. Died early
(Pope).
Taylor, Gregory Watertown
Member First Church 1630, No. 76.
Freeman 14 May 1634
(M.C.R., I,
369). Removed to Stamford, Conn. where he
died 1657.
Taylor, Achsah
Wife of Gregory
(Bond).
p.94
Taylor, John Boston
From Haverhill
Suffolk (L. & L.W.). Applied
freeman 19 Oct 1630; Freeman 18 May 1631
(M.C.R., I, 80, 366). Removed to
Lynn.
Taylor, ____
Wife of John. Died soon after arrival (L. &
L.W.)
Taylor, ____
Child of John. Died soon. (L. &
L.W.).
Timewell, William Returned
to England in 1630 (Winthrop MSS.).
Tomlins, Edward Lynn
From London. Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R., I,
366).
Was deputy and Clerk of the Writs
(Savage).
Turner, Nathaniel Saugus
Probably from
London. Applied freeman 19 Oct 1630
(M.C.R., I, 79); Freeman 3 July 1632 (M.C.R., I,
367).
Removed to New Haven.
Captain, deputy.
Turner, Robert
Probably from Southwark, Surrey, the origin of his
master Edward Bendall; admitted church 8
Sept 1633;
Freeman 4 March 1633/4
(M.C.R., I, 368); innholder;
died
1664.
Tyndal, Arthur Boston
Son of Sir John
Tyndal. From Great Maplestead, Essex
(L. & L.W., I, 17). Brother-in-law to Gov.
Winthrop.
Returned in Lyon 1631
(ibid., II, 36).
Underhill, John Boston
Came directly
from Holland where he had been a captain in
the military service, but probably from Kenilworth,
co.
Warwick. Freeman 18 May 1634
(M.C.R., I, 75).
Underhill, Helen
Wife of Capt John Underhill (Winthrop). She was a
Dutch
woman, living in Gornichem, whom he
married in 1628.
Vassall, William
Assistant. From Prittlewell, Essex. Returned
to England
with the Lyon, 1631 (Dudley
Letter). He came again in 1635,
settling at Scituate, but was soon out of
sympathy
p.95
with the intolerant
religious practices of the Winthrop
government.
Went to England to get relief but failed. He
died
1655/6 at Barbadoes.
Vassall, Anne
Wife of William. Daughter of George King of Cold
Norton,
Essex (G.R., LXXV, 236).
Vassall,
Judith Child of
William.
Vassall, Francis Child
of William.
Vassall, John
Child of William.
Vassall, Anne
Child of William.
Wade,
(Thomas) Probably the person of
this name of Northampton who was an
Adventurer of the
Massachusetts Bay Company and came over to
visit the
country, returning with the Fleet. His stock in the
Company was claimed by members of his family. (Savage,
IV,
377).
Walker, Robert Boston
From
Manchester, England. Linen weaver. Born 1601.
Deposed 1679, aged 78 years. Member church, No. 131
(Sewall). Freeman 19 May 1634 (M.C.R., I, 369).
Died
29 May 1687.
Walker, Sarah
Wife of Robert.
Wall,
____ In Winthrop's
list. Returned with family (W).
Wall, ____
Wife of preceding.
____,
____ Servant of Mr.
Wall.
Ward, Thomas Dedham
Probably from Bedingham, co.
Norfolk. Juror
28 Sept 1630 (M.C.R., I,
78).
Warren, John Watertown
From Nayland, Suffolk (Stone Gen.,
43).
Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R., I,
366).
Born 1585; died 13 (10) 1667
(W).
Warren, Margaret Wife of
John. Died 6 Nov 1662.
Waterbury, William Boston
From
Sudbury, co. Suffolk. Member First Church, No. 35.
Waterbury,
Alice Wife of William. Member
First Church, No. 36.
p.96
Waters, John
Charlestown
From Nayland, Suffolk. Member First Church, No.
23.
Died soon. Winthrop called him 'my old
servant'
(Winthrop MSS., W. 7a 47).
Waters,
Frances Wife of John.
Member First Church, No. 24. Died soon.
Waters, Mary
Daugthter of John. Died
soon (L. & L.W., II 54).
Waters, ____
Child of John (ibid.).
Waters,
____ Child of John
(ibid.).
Weaver, ____
Sent back to England 1631 (M.C.R., I, 82).
Webb,
Richard Cambridge
From Mayland, Suffolk. Freeman November
1632
(M.C.R., I, 367). Removed to
Hartford.
Webb, Elizabeth
Wife of Richard. Member church, No.
120.
Weed, Jonas Watertown
Origin undetermined. Freeman 18 May
1631 (M.C.R., I, 366).
Removed to Wethersfield, 1636,
Stamford, 1642 and South-
hampton, Long Island,
1657, where he died.
Weillust, Joist Boston
Probably from
Holland. Surveyor of Ordnance and
cannonier. In June 1632 he was allowed five pounds
towards the cost of transportation 'into his owne
country' (M.C.R., I, 97).
Weldon,
Robert Charlestown
Captain in the military service. Died 16 Feb
1630/1 and
was given a military funeral (Dudley
Letter).
Weldon, Elizabeth
Wife of Captain Robert Weldon. Member of First
Church
No. 91. Marked 'gone to
Watertown.'
Weston, Francis Salem
Origin
undetermined. Freeman 5 Nov 1633 (M.C.R., I, 368).
Became an adherent to Mrs. Anne Hutchinson and was ban-
ished. Removed to Rhode Island. Richard Harcourt
of
Warwick, R.I., called Francis Weston and his
wife, 'my
uncle and aunt' (Documentary History,
R.I.).
p.97
Weston, Margaret
Wife of Francis.
Weston, Lucy
Daughter of Francis. Married John Pease of
Salem and
Edgartown, Mass. (Banks, History of
Martha's Vineyard,
I, 89-103; II,
91-103).
Wilbore, Samuel Boston
Perhaps from London.
Freeman 3 March 1633/4 (M.C.R.,
I, 368). He became
an adherent of Mrs. Anne Hutchinson,
was disarmed and
removed to Rhode Island
Wilbore, Anne
Wife of Samuel.
Wilkinson,
Prudence Charlestown
A widow. Origin unknow, but probably came with
some
relative not identified (Charlestown Town
Rec.). Her
will dated 9 Feb
1655/6.
Wilkinson, Sarah Daughter
of Widow Prudence. Married William Bucknam.
Wilkinson,
Elizabeth Daughter of Widow Prudence. Married
George Felt
(Felt Genealogy).
Williams,
Thomas Charlestown
Origin undetermined. Juror 18 Sept 1630 (M.C.R.,
I, 78).
Ferryman. Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R.,
I, 366). No
further definite
record.
Williams, Thomas alias
Harris May be identical with
preceding, but nothing further is
positively known
of him except that he applied for free-
man 19 Oct
1630 (M.C.R., I, 80). See Harris.
Williams, Robert
Perhaps son of Thomas; granted ferry license
1641.
(M.C.R., I, 341).
Wilsby, _____
In Winthrop's list, but no
further record.
Wilson, John Boston
Clergyman (M.C.R., I, 73). Son
of Rev. William Wilson,
Canon of St George's
Chapel, Windsor, but came from
Sudbury, co.
Suffolk. Pastor of the First Church,
Boston.
p.98
Wilton, David
Mentioned 1632. Removed to Windsor, Conn., where
he
died 5 Feb 1677/8. Freeman 11 June 1633
(M.C.R., I, 368).
Wing, Elizabeth
Member church, No. 143.
Winthrop,
John Boston
The Governor. From Groton, co.
Suffolk.
Winthrop, Henry
Son of Gov. Winthrop. Drowned at Salem 2 July
1630.
Winthrop, Stephen Son
of Gov. Winthrop. (G.R., LXXV, 236).
Winthrop, Samuel
Son of Gov, Winthrop. (G.R., LXXV,
236).
Eight servants of Gov. Winthrop, names
unknown) Winthrop Journal, 1853, I. 455).
Woods,
William Boston
Not identified and origin unknown. Freeman 18 May
1631.
(M.C.R., I, 366). In Winthrop's
list.
Woolrich, John Charlestown
Probably from London. Applied
freeman 19 Oct 1630.
(M.C.R., I, 80). Freeman 4
March 1633/4 (M.C.R., I, 368).
Woolrich, Sarah
Wife of John. Member of First Church, No.
58. She married
(2) William
Ayre.
Wormewood, ____
Sent back to England 1 March 1630/1 (M.C.R., I,
82).
Wright, Richard Boston
Probably from Ratcliffe, Stepney,
London. Member First
Church, No. 89.
Servant of John Humfrey (L. & L.W.).
Freeman 14
May 1634 (M.C.R., I, 369).
Wright, Margaret
Wife of Richard. Married 8 Jan 1625/6 at
Stepney.
Member of First Church, No. 99.
Wright, Eleanor
Daughter of Richard. Testified 29 Dec 1701 aged 80
years
that she came over
with
p.99
her father, Richard Wright, in
the first ship, to Boston,
when she was 9 or 10
years old. She married Richard Clarke.
Wright, Robert
Citizen and merchant tailor from
London. Sent back under
arrest in ship Lyon April
1631 for 'treason' and 'clipping
coins'. (Suffolk
Court Files, XLV, 12).
APPENDIX B
PASSENGERS OF THE MARY AND JOHN IN
1630
p.100
Contemporaneously with the sailing of the
Winthrop Fleet a party of emigrants embarked at Plymouth, Devon, in the
ship Mary and John, on March 20, bound for the same destination in
Massachusetts Bay within the bounds of the territory of the Company headed
by Winthrop. While not having any defined connection with the Winthrop
Fleet, yet their destination pre- supposes a cooperative agreement and
a common purpose.
In his last letter to his wife, before leaving
Southampton, Winthrop notes the departure of this vessel and her
passengers, indicating his knowledge of their destination in the limits
of the Massachusetts Bay Patent and by inference an approval of them as
fellow emi- grants under his jurisdiction.
The Mary and John was
owned by Roger Ludlow, one of the Assistants of the Massachusetts
Bay Company, who sailed in her, as did Edward Rossiter, another
Assistant, as leaders of this Company, and thus further confirmation is
given to it as an integral, though separated part of the Great
Emigration. It seems, therefore, desirable to relate briefly the
story of this group which on arrival settled on Dorchester Neck and
soon became politically merged in the fortunes of the various groups
which reached our shores in that year.
The Reverand John White,
Vicar of Dorchester, England, who has been generally and
rightfully acclaimed as the sponsor of the earliest Massachusetts
settlement (Plymouth excepted), was the inspiration of a movement
which culminated in the gathering of neary one hundred and fifty
persons in the counties of Dorset, Somerset and Devon and their agreement
to emigrate in a body to Massachusetts whither he had sent other groups
in the previous six years.
White was a Conforming Puritan who
believed that the religious unrest of the period could be better
composed by a liberal attitude of all factions within the Established
Church. He was strongly against separation and the creation of
independent religious bodies and severely condemned the subsequent
action of Winthrop and Cotton who were promoting religious
intoler- ance in Massachusetts.
His influence in the West
Country was widespread and in this, his latest effort to
encourage colonization in New England, he not only secured recruits in
his own city and county but in the adjoining counties of Devon
and
p.101
the remote parts of Somerset. In describing
this Company he said that scarce a half-dozen of them were personally
known to each other prior to their assembling at the place of
em- barkation in Plymouth. (Planter's Plea, 37.) There they first
came to a personal acquaint- ance with those who were to be their
companions on the voyage and neighbors in the New World during the rest
of their days. It may be assumed that these people, from many
parishes scattered over three counties, were moved by the same urge to
emigrate which animated those of the Winthrop Fleet, but it is safe to
say that the tales of 'religious persecution' of these people was not a
factor in their pilgrimage. The West Country was free from
it.
With them were two clergymen of the Established Church, one the
Reverend John Maverick, at that time, Vicar of Beaworthy, Devon, son of
a clergyman and then in his fifty-eighth year. Already his son, Samuel
Maverick had been a resident of Massachusetts for seven years and was
living in what is now Chelsea. This probably explains his
emigration with the Mary and John Company, bringing with him his large
family to be near his eldest son. There is nothing in any
existing record to indicate that Maverick was unfaithful to his oath
at ordination to conduct himself conformably and follow the prescribed
ritual of the Church service. Like White he was a conformist,
though liberal in his attitude on controverted subjects.
The
other clergyman, the Reverend John Warham, was fourteen years the junior
of Maverick, and of a different quality. He was a native, probably,
of Crewkerne, Somerset, born about 1592; had taken holy orders and came
under the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of Laud, then Bishop of Bath and
Wells. It is not necessary to state that this famous church
official, later to be Archbishop of Canterbury, was a strict
disciplinarian in matters of conformity to canon law, and Warham soon
fell under his displeasure for some contumacy and was
sus- pended. He removed to Exeter, where under the more liberal
Bishop Hall he was given the parish of Saint Sidwell, a living which he
held until his emigration. He was an
agressive theologian.
The intending emigrants having assembled
at Plymouth were met by White and by courtesy of the Reverend Matthias
Nicolls, Master of the New Hospital, an old friend of the 'Patriarch of
Dorchester,' they gathered in the chapel where services were conducted and
a farewell sermon was preached by him as sponsor of the movement.
This was on Saturday,
p.102
March 20, and at its conclusion
they embarked to set sail for the distant shores of an un- known
country. The Mary and John made a good passage and
arrived at Nantasket May 30, 1630 without casualty. These one
hundred and forty passengers are generally known as the Dorchester
Company, from the place chosen for their settlement, and as they remained
a dist- inct body of colonists, and there are contemporary records to
identify most of them, it has been possible to compile a tentative list
of those who came on this pioneer ship. Five years later a great
majority of them removed to Windsor, Connecticut, under the leadership of
Warham.
The following list shows the names of heads of families and
the number in each family sail- ing in this ship. It gives the
county of origin and the place of settlement after arrival, with other
notes of identification. The list shows that fifteen came from
Somerset, fifteen from Dorset, six from Devon and three are of
undetermined origin. The total number thus listed makes one
hundred and thirty-four out of the one hundred and forty who came
over. The figures after each name indicated the number of persons in
the emigrant's family.
KEY TO
ABBREVIATIONS
Stiles
History of Windsor, Conn.
Blake History of Dorchester,
Mass.
Pope
Pioneers of Massachusetts
M.C.R. Massachusetts
Colonial Records
Clapp
Memoirs of Roger Clapp
Baskom, Thomas (1)
Dorset. Removed to Windsor
(Stiles).
Cooke, Aaron (1)
Dorset. A minor, stepson of Thomas Ford (see below).
Removed to Windsor
(Stiles).
Clapp, Roger (1)
Devon. Settled at Dorchester. Freeman 14 May 1634.
(M.C.R., I, 368); Died 2 Feb 1690/1
(Clapp).
Denslow, Nicholas (3)
Dorset. Removed to Windsor (Stiles).
Dyer,
George (4)
Somerset. Settled at Dorchester; constable
1630.
Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R., I,
366). Died 1672 (Blake).
p.103
Drake, John (6)
Devon. Removed to
Windsor (Stiles).
Duncan, Nathaniel (4)
Devon. Settled Dorchester. Freeman 6 May
1635.
(M.C.R., I, 370); died 1668
(Pope).
Ford, Thomas (6)
Dorset. Applied freeman 19 Oct 1630 (M.C.R., I,
81).
freeman 18 May 1631 (ibid., I,
366). Removed to
Windsor
(Stiles).
Gaylord, William (4)
Somerset. Juror 1630. Freeman 18 May 1631.
(M.C.R., I, 366). Deacon of church.
Removed to
Windsor (Blake,
Stiles).
Gallop, Humphrey (2)
Dorset. Settled Dorchester (Pope).
Gallop, John (4)
Dorset. Settled
Boston. Freeman 1 April 1634.
(M.C.R., I, 368).
Gibbs, Giles (7)
Dorset. Freeman 4 March 1632/3 (M.C.R. I,
367).
Removed to Windsor where he died
1641 (Stiles).
Gillett, Jonathan (1)
Somerset. Freeman 6 May 1635 (M.C.R.I,
370)
Removed to Windsor
(Stiles).
Greenway, John (7)
Origin undetermined. Applied freeman 19 Oct 1630
(M.C.R., I, 80); Freeman 18 May 1631 (ibid.,
I, 366).
Settled Dorchester and died
there about 1652 (Gen.
Reg., IX, 348;
XXXII, 55).
Hannum, William (1)
Dorset. Removed to Windsor where he died 1677
(Stiles).
Hill, William (2)
Dorset. Freeman 5 Nov 1633 (Pope).
Holman, John
(1) Dorset. Settled
Dorchester. No record as freeman.
Died 1652 (Gen.Reg.).
Hoskins, John (4)
Origin undetermined. Freeman 18 May
1631.
(M.C.R., I, 366). Removed
to Windsor (Pope).
p.104
Hull, George (4)
Somerset. Freeman 4 March 1632/3
(M.C.R., I, 367).
Removed to Windsor
(Blake).
Lovell, William (2)
Somerset. Captain; settled Dorchester
(Pope).
Ludlow, Roger (6)
Wiltshire. Assistant of the Massachusetts
Bay
Company; Deputy Governor of
Massachusetts. Removed
to Windsor and
later to Virginia (Pope).
Maverick, Rev. John (7)
Devon. Applied freeman 19 Oct 1630 (M.C.R., I,
180);
Freeman 18 May 1631 (ibid., I,
366). Settled Dorchester.
Died
3 Feb 1635/6 (Pope).
Moore, John (1)
Origin unknown. Settled
Dorchester. Freeman 18 May
1631
(M.C.R., I, 366). Removed to Windsor (Stiles).
Phelps, George
(1) Dorset. Freeman 6 May 1635
(M.C.R., I, 371). Removed
to
Windsor (Stiles).
Phelps, William (6)
Dorset. Juror 1630. Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R.,
I,
366). Removed to Windsor
(Stiles).
Pinney, Humphrey (2)
Somerset. Freeman 14 May 1634 (M.C.R., I, 369). Re-
moved to Windsor (Stiles).
Pomeroy, Eltweed
(3) Somerset. Freeman 4 March
1632/3 (M.C.R., I, 367).
Removed to
Windsor (Pomeroy Gen.).
Richards, Thomas (6)
Probably Somerset. Settled Dorchester. Freeman
13 May
1640 (M.C.R., I, 377).
Removed to Weymouth where he died
1650
(Blake).
Rockwell, William (4)
Somerset. Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R., I,
366). Deacon
of church.
Removed to Windsor (Rockwell Gen.).
Rossiter, Brian (1)
Somerset. Freeman 18 May 1631.
(M.C.R., I, 366). Re-
moved to Windsor
(Clapp).
p.105
Rossiter, Edward (4)
Somerset. Assistant of Massachusetts Bay
Company.
Died 1630
(Pope).
Southcote, Richard (1)
Devon. Captain. Freeman 18 May 1631 (M.C.R., I,
366).
Returned to
England.
Sylvester, Richard (1)
Somerset. Applied freeman 1630 (M.C.R., I, 80). Settled
Dorchester. Freeman 1 April 1634 (ibid.,
I, 368). Re-
moved to Weymouth.
Died 1663 (Pope).
Terry, Stephen (3)
Dorset. Nephew of Reverend John White. Freeman
18 May
1631 (M.C.R., I, 366).
Removed to Windsor (Terry Gen.).
Tilley, John (2)
Somerset. Settled
Dorchester. Freeman 4 May 1634/5
(M.C.R., I, 370). Died soon (Blake).
Upsall, Nicholas
(1) Dorset. Settled
Dorchester. Juror 1630. Freeman 18 May
1631 (M.C.R., I, 366). Died August 1666 aged about
73.
(Pope).
Warham, Rev. John
(4) Devon. Applied freeman 19
Oct 1630 (M.C.R., I, 80).
Freeman 18
May 1631 (ibid., I, 366). Removed to
Windsor where he died 1 April 1670 (Stiles, Blake).
Way,
Henry (6)
Dorset. Settled Dorchester. No record as to freeman.
Died 1667 (Blake).
Williams, Roger
(2) Somerset. This
person is not to be confused with the
famous clergyman of the same name. Freeman 18 May
1631.
(M.C.R., I, 366). Removed
to Windsor (Pope).
Wolcott, Henry (8)
Somerset. Applied freeman 19 Oct 1630 (M.C.R., I,
79).
Freeman 1 April 1634 (ibid., I,
368). Removed to Windsor
(Stiles).
Note: From the above tabulation it appears that of
the 40 heads of families who came in this ship 13 remained permanently
in Dorchester; 23 removed to Windsor, Connecticut with Warham, in the
migration of 1635/36, and four settled elsewhere in
Massachusetts.
[end Appendix B] The Winthrop
Fleet
of
1630
by Charles Edward Banks
Published Boston 1930
APPENDIX
C
THE SHIP LYON
1630
p.106
This ship was famous in the history of the early
emigration to Massachusetts, and her Master was equally noted for his
skillful seamanship and his sympathy with the policy of the Puritan
leaders. In 1630, 1631 and 1632 she made four voyages
hither in quick suc- cession under his command with the regularity and
safety of a ferry, and on one of them saved the settlement from
starvation and death by her timely arrival with provisions
and anti-scorbutics.
The official connection of the Lyon with
the Winthrop Fleet is of the same character as related of the Mary and
John, as both were doubtless approved by the Governor and
Assis- tants. In his letter of March 28, 1630 to his wife,
written from the Arbella, off the Isle of Wight, after noting the
sailing of the Mary and John, Winthrop wrote: 'and the ship which goes
from Bristowe (Bristol) carrieth about eighty persons.' (L.L.W., I,
388). This is the Lyon and she probably sailed from that port to
accommodate passengers living in the West Counties - Lancashire,
Cheshire, Warwick, Gloucestershire and Somerset. That they
were authorized to settle in the limits of the Bay Patent seems
assured, as there is no evid- ence to the contrary following their
arrival. The date of her departure is not known (probably in
March) but her arrival at Salem is reported 'in the latter part of May'
(Brad- ford, II, 67), some time before the Arbella reached that
port. The identity of this ship is not established as there were
several of her name in existence at that period. In view of her
valuable services to the Colony it is to be hoped that the necessary
search may be made to fix her home port, previous history, tonnage and
ownership.
Of Captain William Peirse, her Master, more particulars
are known. He had sailed to Plymouth in 1623 as Master of the
Anne of London, bringing the last lot of passengers to the Pilgrim
settlement. He was then a resident of Ratcliffe, parish of Stepney,
London, and at that date was about thirty-one years old. He made
a voyage to Salem in 1629 as Master of the Mayflower (not the Pilgrim
ship) and thereafter he was in constant traffic in passengers and
merchandise across the Atlantic. He took up his residence in Boston
in 1632 and was admitted Freeman 14 May 1634 (M.C.R., I, 369).
His wife, Bridget, joined the church 2 February 1632/3; perhaps a
second wife, as a William Peirce, mariner of White- chapel, was
licensed in 1615 to marry Margaret Gibbs. Whitechapel and Stepney
are adjoin- ing parishes. He became a Town and Colony official
and was engaged in coastwise shipping thereafter. He compiled an
Almanac for New England
p.107
which was the second issue in
1639 from the Daye Press at Cambridge. In 1641 he was killed by
the Spaniards while on a voyage to the island of New Providence, Bahamas
Group, whither he was taking passengers for settlement.
The
names and identities of the eighty passengers who sailed in the Lyon from
Bristol to Salem have not been investigated, as they were soon
amalgamated with the existing settle- ment there and it would require
long and special study to segregate them from the 'Old Planters' and
the more recent emigrants who came with Endicott.
APPENDIX D
CAPTAIN PETER MILBURNE OF THE
ARBELLA
p.108
The Master of the Admiral of the Winthrop
Fleet who successfully led this flotilla to its destination deserves
particular mention as an actor in the drama of early emigration to
New England, as Christopher Jones, the Master of the Mayflower of 1620,
has been acclaimed for bringing the Pilgrims in safety to
Plymouth.
Peter Milburne was a resident of London in the parish of
St. Katherine by the Tower, but beyond this, little information about
him or his family has come to light. He was probably of London
origin, as the family name is found there before 1600, and his residence
on the water-front seems to confirm this suggestion. Stepney, the
sailors' parish, was the next neighboring one on the east, and there he
married on August 3, 1615, the widow Jane Coulter of Wapping, a hamlet
of Stepney. Presumably he was master of the Eagle when she was
bought for the voyage overseas, and the name changed to Arbella.
That he was not only a skillful, but a popular sea-captain is evident
from the testimony of Governor Winthrop. In a letter to his son
after arrival here he sent this message:
'We had a comfortable passage and I found that love and
respect from Capt. Milbourne our master, as I may
not forget. I pray (if he be returned before
you come hither,) take occasion to see him and
remember my kind salutations to him and his wife.'
('Life and Letters of John Winthrop,' II, 40).
It is not known
whether he or his vessel ever returned to these waters, nor anthing
of his later career, but it may be hoped that some future chronicler
will be able to add to this brief record the full story of the life of
the senior captain of this Fleet, so pleasantly remembered by the
senior official of the Massachusetts Bay Company.
APPENDIX
E
MRS. ANNE (____)
POLLARD
p.109
This passenger, according to her own story,
came with the Winthrop Fleet in 1630 in one of the ships that arrived
at Charlestown. She was then about nine or ten years of age and
de- scribed herself as 'a romping girl' of the type who would be the
heroine of the special in- cident which will be her title to enduring
local fame.
She is credited with being the first female, of all the
passengers, to set foot on the pen- insular of Shawmut, now the city of
Boston, and for that reason deserves special notice in this story of
the Great Emigration.
Taking one of the ship's boats, with a
party of young people, she went over to Shawmut in search of fresh water,
as the springs at Charlestown gave a brackish, unpalatable and
in- adequate water supply. As the boat touched the shore, she was
the first to leap out, and her claim to priority of landing in Boston
has been of record for more than a century.
She became the wife of
William Pollard, innholder of Boston, by whom she had a large
family and at her death, December 6, 1725, she had nearly reached the
great age of one hundred and five years. Franklin's 'New England
Courant' in a short obituary notice of this centenar- ian stated that
shw was born in Saffron Walden, Essex, but with this clue it has not
been possible, up to the time of the issue of this volume, to identify
her among the many child- ren baptized 'Anne' in the years calculated
from her age at death.
None of the various parents of all these
Annes can be recognized as coming to Boston with her, either by name or
connected with her by will here or in England, after extensive
in- vestigation by one of the leading genealogists of
London. The matter is still being followed
up. Her portrait, painted when she became a centenarian,
is in the collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society and a
reproduction may be seen in Bolton's 'Portraits of the
Founders.'
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
INDEXES
The Winthrop Fleet
of
1630
by Charles Edward Banks 1854-1931
published Boston
1930
Chapter I
Setting The Stage - p.3
Chapter
II
The Background - p. 11
Chapter III
Preparing for
the Hegira - p.15
Chapter IV
Expense of Travel and Supplies
- p.24
Chapter V
The Voyage Overseas - p.33
Chapter
VI
The Passengers and their Origins - p.47
Appendix A
- p.58
Alphabetical List of Passengers
Appendix B - p.
100
Passengers of the Mary and John in 1630
Appendix C -
p.106
The Ship Lyon, 1630
Appendix D - p. 108
Captain
Peter Milburne of the Arabella
Appendix E - p. 109
Mrs. Anne
(____) Pollard
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
INDEXES
INDEX OF NAMES The Lists of
Passengers, pages 57 - 99 and 102 - 105 are alphabetically arranged and
are NOT included in this index.
Abell, Robert, 57 Adams,
James T., 46 Adams, Judith, 92 Agar, Lettice, 58 Alcock, George,
52 Allen, Samuel, 78 Andrews, William, 76 Aspinwell, William,
84 Ayre, William, 98
Banks, John, 89 Barker, James,
60 Barker, John, 92 Barnardiston, Nathaniel, 45 Beauchamp, John,
65 Bendall, Edward, 94 Blackman, John, 87 Bland, Annabel,
59 Bluette, John, 63, 64, 71 Boggus, John, 60 Bolton, Charles K.,
8, 109 Bradford, William, 7, 35, 36, 45 Bradstreet, Simon,
52 Brand, Benjamin, 52 Brooks, Henry, 89 Browne, Kellam,
20 Bucknam, William, 97 Bugby, Mrs. Richard, 85
Chambers,
Mrs. Thomas, 80 Charles, The King, 13, 20 Clapp, Roger,
88 Clarke, Richard, 99 Coddington, William, 36, 52, 53 Colborne,
William, 20, 76 Cole, Samuel, 52 Colson, Christopher, 76 Cotton,
John, 35, 51, 57, 75, 100 Coulter, Jane, 108 Cowlishaw, William,
82 Crabb, John, 67 Cradock, Matthew, 23, 33, 35, 37, 61, 69,
70, 88 Cromwell, Oliver, 20, 93
Dexter, Morton,
14 Dillingham, John, 52 Downing, Emanuel, 18, 20, 23, 45,
79 Downing, Mrs. Lucy, 82 Drake, Sir Francis, 3, 29 Dudley,
Thomas, 17, 20, 47, 48, 51, 52, 53
Eliot, John, 51, 58,
86 Elizabeth, The Queen, 3, 10, 37 Endicott, John, 44, 72, 100,
107
Feake, James, 69 Felt, George, 97 Fiennes, Arbella,
17 Fiennes, Charles, 51, 53 Fiennes, Susan, 17 Ford, Thomas,
102 Franklin, Benjamin, 109 Franklin, Joan, 93 Freeman, Samuel,
52, 64 Frobisher, Martin, 3 Fuller, Samuel, 35
Gager,
William, 28 Gardiner, Henry, 22 Garrett, Richard, 82 Gibbs,
Margaret, 106 Gifforth, Anne, 65 Gilbert, Humphrey, 3, 5,
29 Glover, Ralph, 82 Goffe, Thomas, 23 Gorges, Sir Ferdinando, 5,
6, 7, 17 Gorges, John, 17 Gosnold, Bartholomew, 3
Hall,
Bishop, 101 Harcourt, Richard, 96 Harding,
Robert, 74 Harris, Thomas, 97 Hawthorne, Nathaniel,
74 Higginson, Francis, 27, 33, 50, 51, 100 Hildersham, Arthur, 51,
57 Hooker, Thomas, 51, 58 Hough, Atherton, 75 Huggins,
61 Humphrey, John, 17, 20, 36, 70, 98 Humphrey, Michael,
17 Huntington, Margaret, 93 Hutchinson, Anne, 59, 74, 87, 96,
97
James, The King, 10, 13 Johnson, Abraham, 77 Johnson,
Arbella, 20, 25, 38, 47, 48, 51 Johnson, Edward, 27, 36, 47,
102 Johnson, Isaac, 17, 18, 20, 48, 52, 53 Jones, Christopher,
108 Jones, Edward, 52
King, George, 95 Kirk, Thomas,
43
Laud, Archbishop, 101 Lincoln, Countess of, 47 Lincoln,
Earl of, 17, 53, 61, 65, 68, 77 Lockwood, Edmond, 91 Lockwood,
Robert, 91 Lothrop, John, 70 Ludlow, Roger, 100
Marrett,
Thomas, 67 Mary, The Queen, 10 Masters, John, 52 Mather,
Cotton, 22, 68
Mather, Richard, 51 Maverick,
Samuel, 101 Mayhew, Thomas, 52 Miasconomo, 44 Milburne, Peter,
41, 108
Nicolls, Matthias, 101 Norton, Walter, 47 Nowell,
Increase, 22, 23
Palfrey, John G., 46, 47 Palsgrave, Richard,
28 Parker, Robert, 62 Patrick, Daniel, 44 Pease, John,
97 Peirse, William, 79, 106 Peirse, Bridget, 106 Pelham, William,
17, 37, 52, 59, 72 Peter, Hugh, 51 Phillips, George, 22,
48 Phipps, Solomon, 66 Plaistow, Josiah, 52, 58, 62 Pollard,
Anne, 109 Pollard, William, 109 Popham, George, 5 Popham, Sir
John, 5 Prince, (Prence) Thomas, 50, 71 Pring, Martin, 4 Pynchon,
William, 20, 48, 51, 52, 54
Quick, Elizabeth, 65 Quick, William,
65, 71
Rainsborough, Colonel, 75, 93 Raleigh, Sir Walter, 3,
29 Reade, Thomas, 63 Revell, John, 54 Roe, Sir Thomas,
37 Rose-Troup, Frances, 17 Rossiter, Edward, 100 Rouse, John, 23,
35
Saltonstall, Sir Richard, 20, 52, 53, 68 Sanford, John,
91 Saxton, Giles, 22 Seely, Robert, 93 Sergeant, Richard,
86 Sharp, Thomas, 20 Skelton, Samuel, 18, 51 Smith, Capt. John,
28, 46 Standish, Myles, 44 Stilson, William, 74 Stone, Samuel,
51 Stoughton, Israel, 52, 92
Thompson, Alice, 84 Thompson,
Dorothy, 84 Turner, Nathaniel, 52 Tyndale, Arthur,
52
Underhill, John, 44, 63, 82
Vassall, William, 20, 52,
54
Walford, Thomas, 47 Wall, 95 Warham, John, 101, 102,
105 Warr, Lord de la, 17 Webb, Richard, 64 West, Nicholas,
20 Weymouth, George, 3, 4 Whale, Philemon, 63 Wheelwright, John,
87 White, John, 16, 17, 18, 19, 21, 100, 105 Whitridge, William,
65 Wight, Thomas, 86 Williams, Thomas, 74 Wilson, John, 21, 53,
72 Winthrop, Elizabeth, 69 Winthrop, Forth, 19 Winthrop, Henry,
18, 37, 48, 69 Winthrop, John, 18, 20, 21, 22, 35, 36, 40, 41, 45, 46,
52, 54, 68, 72, 77, 78, 82, 83, 89, 94,
98, 100, 106, 108 Winthrop, John, Jr., 18,
45 Winthrop, Robert C., 19 Wright, Richard, 99
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
INDEX OF
PLACES
Agamenticus, Maine, 42, 80 Ashby-de-la-Zouch,
51, 57 Assington, Suffolk, 71
Barbados, 18, 83,
95 Barnstable, Mass., 70 Beaworthy, Devon, 101 Bedfordshire,
50 Bedingham, Norfolk, 95 Bembridge, Isle of Wight,
37 Bermondsey, Surrey, 79 Beverly, Mass., 73 Bicester, Oxford,
93 Binfield, Berks, 74 Birmingham, Warwick, 85 Bitteswell,
Leicester, 68 Boone Island, Maine, 42 Boreham, Essex, 74 Boston,
Lincolnshire, 35, 64, 65, 75 Boston, Mass., 8, 22, 49, 61, 66, 67, 71,
72, 77, 78, 86, 87, 88, 97, 102, 103, 109 Boxford, Suffolk, 22,
89 Braintree, Mass., 8, 64, 85, 86 Brentwood, Essex,
65 Bridgewater, Somerset, 5 Bristol, Gloucestershire, 106,
107 Bromfield, Essex, 87 Buckinghamshire, 50 Bures, St. Mary,
Suffolk, 78, 84 Buxhall, Suffolk, 92
Cambridge, England, 20, 33,
72 Cambridge, Mass., 61, 70, 73, 85, 107 Cambridgeshire, 12,
51 Canada, 4 Canterbury, Kent, 83 Cape Ann, Mass., 16, 44 Cape
Sable, Nova Scotia, 41, 42 Charlestown, Mass., 35, 45, 48, 49, 64, 72,
74, 109 Chatham, Kent, 75 Chelmsford, Essex, 51, 72 Chelsea,
Mass., 101 Cheshire, 51, 106 Chester, England, 77 Clipsham,
Rutland, 77 Coggeshall, Essex, 91, 93 Colchester, Essex, 75,
82 Cold Norton, Essex, 95 Combs, Suffolk, 79, 80 Cowes, Isle of
Wight, 34, 37 Crewkerne, Somerset, 101 Cuttyhunk, Mass., 4,
9
Damariscove, Maine, 6, 8 Danbury, Essex, 76 Dedham, Mass.,
58, 63 Delfthaven, Holland, 36 Derby, Derbyshire, 57 Devonshire,
100, 102, 103,104, 105 Dorchester, Dorset, 16, 18, 100 Dorchester,
Mass., 48, 49, 100, 102, 103, 104, 105 Dorsetshire, 16, 17, 59, 100,
102, 103, 104, 105 Dover, New Hampshire, 63, 83 Dunmow, Essex,
92 Duxbury, Mass., 86
Earl's Barton, Northants, 76 Edgartown,
Mass., 97 Edwardston, Suffolk, 61 Elizabeth Isles, Mass.,
4 Essex, co. of, 50, 51, 58, 62, 63, 67, 85 Exeter, Devonshire,
101 Exning, Suffolk, 90
Fairfield, Conn., 63, 70 Falmouth,
Cornwall, 3 Florida, 4
Gibraltar, 18 Glemsford, Suffolk,
90 Gloucestershire, 106 Gornichem, Holland, 94 Gravesend, Kent,
35 Groton, Suffolk, 19, 21, 51, 60, 64, 66, 68, 73, 77, 78, 87,
98 Guilsborough, Northants, 60
Hammersmith, Middlesex,
61 Hampshire, 50 Hartford, Conn., 76, 96 Harwich, Essex,
83 Harwich, Mass., 60 Hatfield, Broadoak, Essex, 63 Haverhill,
Mass., 78 Haverhill, Suffolk, 94 Hawkdon, Suffolk, 62 Hemington,
Leicester, 57 Hertfordshire, 12 High Ongar, Essex, 90 Hilmarton,
Wiltshire, 93 Hingham, Mass., 62 Holderness, Yorkshire,
71 Holland, 85, 88, 94, 96 Horbling, Lincolnshire,
61
Ipswich, Mass., 60, 71, 78, 89 Ireland, 47 Isle of Wight,
33, 34, 35, 106
James River, Virginia, 4 Jamestown, Virginia,
4
Kenilworth, Warwickshire, 94 Kent, co. of, England,
50 Kersey, Suffolk, 90 Kittery, Maine, 93
Lancashire, 50, 51,
106 Lavenham, Suffolk, 81, 90 Lawford, Essex, 85 Leeds,
Yorkshire, 22 Leghorn, Italy, 18 Leicestershire, 50, 51,
58 Leyden, Holland, 7, 8 Lincolnshire, 50, 51 Lincoln,
Lincolnshire, 59, 93 Lizard, The, 39 London, 12, 22, 23, 27, 34, 35,
50, 51, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 64, 65, 66, 67, 69, 70, 71, 72, 76, 78, 79,
80, 81, 82, 84, 85, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 94, 97, 98, 99, 109 London, All
hallows, Honey Lane, 79 Cannon Street
23 East Cheap, 23, 30
Fleet Street, 23 Philpot
Lane, 23 Soper Lane, 23
St. Andrew, Undershaft, 92
St. Anne, Blackfriars, 71 St. Botolph,
Aldgate, 80 St. Bridget, 70
St. Edmund, Lombard Street, 69
St. Katherine by Tower, 108
St. Mary, Abchurch, 80 Trinity the Less,
Minories, 83 Whitechapel, 60, 73,
106 Long Island, N.Y., 69 Luffenham, So., Rutland, 77 Lynn,
Mass., 93, 94
Nantasket, Mass., 8, 102 Naumkeag, Mass.,
8 Navestock, Essex, 66 Nayland, Suffolk, 70, 95, 96 Nazing,
Essex, 58, 88 New England, 19, 20 New Haven, Conn., 60, 91,
94 New Jersey, 70 New London, Conn., 84 Newport, R.I., 65, 74,
87 New Providence, Bahamas, 107 Newton Stacey, Hampshire, 93 New
York, 91 Norfolk, co. of, England, 12, 50, 59, 84 Northamptonshire,
17, 50, 68, 76 Northampton, Northants, 95 Northampton, Mass.,
76 Nottinghamshire, 51 Nottingham, Notts, 66, 82
Oxfordshire,
50
Pemaquid, Maine, 6 Piscataqua, New Hampshire, 47 Plymouth,
Devonshire, 5, 39, 47, 100, 101 Plymouth, Mass., 15, 29, 35, 36, 64,
70, 86, 87, 100, 106, 108 Polstead, Suffolk, 61, 64, 71 Portsmouth,
N.H., 47 Portsmouth, R.I., 82, 87 Preston, Northants,
84 Prittlewell, Essex, 94 Providence, R.I., 57, 61,
66
Sabino, Maine, 5 Saco, Maine, 6 Saffron Walden, Essex,
73, 86, 109 St John Hackney, Middlesex, 62 Salem, Mass., 18, 49, 60,
62, 72, 74, 77, 86, 97, 98, 102, 106, 107 Salisbury, Mass., 65,
73 Saybrook, Conn., 91 Scilly Isles, 39 Scituate, Mass, 22, 70,
94 Sempringham, Lincolnshire, 18, 20, 61, 65, 68, 77 Settrington,
Yorkshire, 69 Shawmut, 8, 109 Shenfield, Essex, 66,
74 Somersetshire, 17, 59, 100, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106 Southampton,
Hampshire, 33, 35, 36, 81, 100 Southampton, L. I., 73, 96 Southold,
L. I., 73 Southwark, Surrey, 30, 60, 62, 81, 94 Sporle, Norfolk,
59 Springfield, Mass., 63, 88 Stamford, Conn., 93, 96 Stepney,
Middlesex, 60, 84, 98, 106, 108 Bethnal
Green, 74 Ratcliffe, 98, 106
Wapping, 108 Stoke Nayland, Suffolk, 67,
92 Stonington, Conn., 84 Stowe Langtoft,Suffolk, 79 Stowe IX
Churches, Northants, 61 Stratford, Conn., 91 Sudbury, Suffolk, 22,
86, 90, 95, 97 Sudbury, Mass., 85 Suffolk, co. of, England, 12, 50,
65, 68, 71, 75, 80, 91 Sutton-in-Ashfield, Notts, 70
Terceira,
Azores, 41, 42 Three Turks Heads, Maine, 42 Tisbury, Wiltshire,
81
Virginia, 104
Wanstead, Essex, 67 Warwick,
Warwickshire, 106 Warwick, R.I., 96 Watertown, Mass., 67, 70, 78,
96 Wendover, Buckinghamshire, 72 West Indies, 18, 20 Westmill,
Hertfordshire, 89 Wethersfield, Conn., 69, 70, 91, 96 Weymouth,
Mass., 8, 57, 64, 104, 105 Wickford, Essex, 87 Wickford, R.I.,
89 Widford, Essex, 86 Wiltshire, 104 Windsor, Berkshire, 22,
97 Windsor, Conn., 69, 76, 93, 98, 102, 103, 104, 105 Winnisimmet,
Mass., 8 Woburn, Mass., 66 Woodbridge, Suffolk, 67 Woolpit,
Suffolk, 84 Writtle, Essex, 57, 88
Yarmouth, Isle of Wight, 35,
36 Yorkshire, 50, 69, 90
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
INDEX OF SUBJECTS
Barber Surgeons' Guild, 28 Court of
Wards, 18, 19 Daye Press, 107 Dorchester Church, 101 Dorchester
Company, 102 Mary and John, Company of, 101 Massachusetts Bay
Company, 16, 17, 35, 71, 76, 79, 95, 100, 105, 108 Massachusetts Bay
Patent, 100, 106 "New England Courant", 109 New Hospital,
101 "Old Planters" 107 "Pilgrim Fathers" 7 Planter's Plea,
107 Popham Colony, 5, 6 Reformation, The, 10 Salters' Company,
30 Scurvy Grass, 29 Ships Ambrose, 33,
34 Anne, 7, 106 Arbella, 25, 28, 29, 30, 33, 34, 35, 36, 41, 43, 44,
53, 54, 106, 108 Charles, 33, 45 Discovery, 4 Eagle, 33,
108 Fortune, 7 Goodspeed, 4 Hopewell, 33, 45 Jewel, 33, 34,
44, 54 Little Neptune, 38 Lyon, 29, 47, 48, 106, 107 Mary and
John, 47, 48, 49, 100, 102, 106 Mayflower, 7, 24, 33, 35, 45, 106,
108 Sarah Constant, 4 Success, 33, 35, 43 Talbot, 33, 44,
45 Trial, 33, 45 Whale, 33, 35, 45 William and Francis, 33,
45
Wonder Working Providence, 102.
Source: The Winthrop Fleet of
1630 by Charles Edward Banks 1854-1931, published Boston
1930
Contributed &
Transcribed by Janice
Farnsworth |