Hazen S. Pingree
Governor (1897 - 1901)

Hazen S. Pingree was one of the most striking figures in public life of Detroit and Michigan, and this official and political doing s not only attracted attention in the United Sates, but caused him to be known in foreign countries where English is spoken. HIs independent, reckless, forceful style of politics, forcing his party into lines of police distasteful to its old-time leaders, created a new class in politics, and raised a crowd of followers at home and imitators in other places.

HIs career was one that appealed to many people because of its aggressiveness and novel features, but to many property-owners the word Pingreeism was a synonym for an unwelcome disturbance of business conditions, wild tendencies and a continuous state of unrest.

No one knew what Pingree would do next. He veered lake a weathercock. He plunged into schemes with amazing energy and as quickly turned from them to another. Some were good and some were considered very bad.

HIs obstinate attempt to make the citizens of Detroit pay about $17,000,000 for the street railways of Detroit, in order to test his municipal ownership plans, was one instance of his willful opposition to the wishes of a great part of the citizens. The series of "night schools" or public meetings all over the city that he addressed in an attempt to convert the voters to his ideas on that question were an illustration of his unique methods. At those meetings he loved to say:
"I am just a plain shoemaker--old, bald-headed Ping."


In such ways he sought to make the people believe that he was one of them and working all the time for their good. He accomplished considerable that proved beneficial to the city and state, but at tremendous cost. Expenses seemed nothing to him. The enormous increase in state expenditures during his regime as governor is well remembered. Special sessions of the legislature were called merely to force his schemes through, and the people footed the bills. He will be remembered for what he attempted quite as much as for what he accomplished.

It is noteworthy that it was not until he had reached a mature age that there was anything in the life of Mr. Pingree to suggest his pyrotechnic career in political and official affairs. He came of old-line New England stock, the first of his family having landed in Massachusetts in 1640. The family name at that time was written Pengry. The records show that the Pingree family first settled on a farm at Ipswich, Mass., but in 1780 the family began to migrate, one branch going to Rowley and the other to Georgetown, Mass. and from these places the family gradually scattered to other places in New England.


Hazen S. Pingree wa born in 1840 on his father's farm at Denmark, Me., and his first work was that of a farmer. His schooling was of the meager kind usually accorded to tillers of the soil at that time, and all through his career the future governor showed greater knowledge of practical affairs than he did of book teachings. Theories accepted as settled were never too sacred for him to question if they appeared to be contradicted by anything in his experience.

Mr. Pingree left home at 14 and went to work in a cotton mill at Saco, Me., but later he took up his life work -- that of a shoemaker, at Hopkinton, Mass.


When the civil war broke out, young Pingree was one of forty-seven from his town to enlist in Company F, First Massachusetts Heavy Artillery. The regiment was assigned to the Twenty-second army corps, which early in the war guarded the defenses around Washington, and it was one of Mr. Pingree's delights in later years to recite amusing anecdotes of the breaking in of the "green" Massachusetts soldier boys to the hard life of camp and battlefield. The First Massachusetts took part in the first Battle of Bull Run, and on May 24 and 25, 1864, was in the fight at North Anna. On the second day of this conflict Pingree and a number of other of his company were captured by the guerilla leader Mosby, and Pingree often related how the guerilla colonel made him exchange a fine new suit of clothes for the be-vermined rags worn by Mosby. Pingree afterwards was given back his blue coat, because Mosby said he was afraid he might be shot for a "Yankee."


Pingree then spent several months in the hardships of Confederate prison life, being confined at Gordonville and Lynchburg, Va., and later at Andersonville.  Thence he was transferred to Millen, Ga., where he managed to escape by assuming the name of a sick solder. On his return to the Union lines he rejoined his regiment in front of Petersburg.

Pingree's regiment was mustered out August 15, 1965. After a short visit to his home in Maine, he came to Detroit, and obtained employment as a shoe salesman for the firm of H.P. Baldwin & Co., but later he engaged in business for himself, buying produce in Detroit and shipping it east. In this business, C. H. Smith was his partner, and when H.P. Baldwin & Co. went out of the business of making shoes, the firm of Pingree & Smith was formed. This firm developed rapidly, and for many years ran the large factory at the corner of Woodbridge and Griswold streets, but later built the fine factory on Jefferson avenue, where the firm still does business.


Until 1889 Mr. Pingree was known in Detroit as an active business man whose energy and business sense had developed a big trade for his house, but in politics he had hardly been heard of. He was known to be a Republican, but had never mixed in the caucuses or conventions of his party, and was content to let others do the office-holding. But in that year leading Republicans and business men determined that they would put up a business man as a candidate for mayor. The city was in the hands of a paving ring, and big prices were being paid for miserable street surfacing. The city's lighting was bad, and it was suspected that there was an aldermanic rake-off in the series of the short contracts given out, at prices which made street lights seem like a dear luxury. There was a sewer ring, and there was a smell of "ten per cent rake-offs" on contracts generally, while it was feared that the street car company would at any time get through the venal common council another thirty-year franchise.


The Republicans therefore determined that they would offer to the public a candidate for mayor with the promise that he would conduct the city's affairs on business principles. Among the party leaders that took hold of the matter were such men as Senator James McMillian, the late Wm. H. Elliott, the late James F. Joy, C. A. Newcomb and a number of others, who later became Pingree's most bitter political opponents. A committee was appointed to pick out a candidate, but the committeemen found the greatest difficulty to induce anyone to accept the nomination as in those days a Republican nomination was not considered bery promising in Detroit.

The committee finally asked Pinagree to run, but at first he was just as much adverse to taking the honor as any of the other business men who had been approached. He was caught just as he was about to take a train on a business trip, but the committee so earnestly urged upon him that it was his duty to run that he finally consented.


Having once agreed to make the fight, he went into it with all the energy he later displayed. He knew nothing about the political game, but such old-time campaigners as C.P. Collins and Louis B. Littlefield took him in charge, and he soon showed himself a quick learner in the art of capturing votes, with the result that he beat his opponent, Mayor John Pridgeon, by a small majority.


During the first few months of his office-holding the governor showed very little of the corporation-fighting traits which later became his leading characteristic, but when the big street railway strike took place, his astute secretary, A. I. McLeod, saw an opportunty for making a political coup.

Mayor Pingree refused to ask the governor of the state for troops to quell disturbances, insisting that the police were sufficiently powerful to keep the peace. The mayor called upon both sides to settle the difficulty by arbitration, and this was done.

During the agitation over this matter a mass meeting was held, and Prof. C. A. Kent advanced the argument that an extension of the franchise of the City Railway Co, granted in 1879 was invalid on the ground that the extension carried the franchise beyond the corporate life of the company, and that this could not legally be done. Mayor Pingree took up this contention and induced the council to authorize the beginning of a suit to invalidate the franchise of the company. The case was carried into the United States courts and dragged along through most of PIngree's career as mayor, resulting finally in a decision adverse to the city in the United States Court of Appeals.

During the agitation over street car matters, Pingree took up the argument that street cars could be run profitably on a three-cent fare basis, and it was one of his most powerful political campaign cries.


In 1891, when the time arrived for another mayoralty election, Pingree's political prestige had not yet reached the point which later made him so powerful, and there was some fear in the Republican camp that he would be defeated. However, the Democrats got into a factional fight and John Miner and W. G. Thompson were both nominated, with the result that Pingree was re-elected, receiving more votes than both of his opponents.

In his second term Mayor Pingree took hold of many of his most successful plans for city improvement. He declared for a comprehensive park system, and though his scheme to turn much of the downtown district of the city into a playground was sat upon as being too expensive, his agitation brought about the establishment of a number of Detroit's present beautiful breathing places.

It was about this time that Pingree declared for the establishment of grooved rails for street cars with the same pavement between the tracts as was laid on the rest of the street. He took the common council to Buffalo in a special car at his own expense to shoe the aldermen the grooved rails in that city, and the grooved rails were forced upon the Detroit street car company, though it was declared that his fighting of new franchises resulted in preventing the establishment of rapid transit in Detroit until long after other cities had electric systems.


Pingree appointed a board of public works made up of John McVicar, Jacob Guthard and James Dean, who reflected in their acts the vigorous policy of Pingree. New trunk sewers were built, and the old sand and plank foundations of pavements were replaced with those laid on concrete, while aldermanic rake-offs became scarce.

The old gas company charters were looked up, and it was found that the gas company was charging more on the east side that it was legally entitled to. Pingree presented payment at the gas company's office for the illumination of his house on Woodward avenue at the rate prescribed in the ordinance. The money was refused, a suit was begun, in which Pingree was victorious.

Pingree found that there was nothing in the local laws permitting the connection of the mains on the east side with those on the other side of Woodward avenue, the two sides of the city having originally been controlled by different companies. His board of public works forcibly prevented the mains from being connected at Woodward avenue, and this led to negotiations, the outcome of which was that a new franchise was granted, under which the price of gas was reduced from $1.50 and $1.25 per thousand feet to $1.


It was during this term, too, that Pingree began his agitation for a city lighting plant. At his request the council determined upon taking the longest and most expensing junket trip that ever started at Detroit. Two special cars were engaged, and about fifty aldermen, city officials and newspaper men went to Chicago, Allegheny, Washington, New York, Boston, Philadelphia, and Baltimore, and the party inspected not only lighting plants, but looked into all lines of municipal work in order to gain ideas.

Aside from the knowledge to be obtained the trip was a strategic more to gain the good-will of the aldermen toward the city ownership plan. When the legislature met the next year there was a fierce fight at Lansing, the electric lighting trust fighting the bill to enable the city to establish a plant, and there were charges of boodle in connection with the measure, which, however, went through, and was signed by Gov. Rich. There was another fight in the common council, when the question whether the city should issue the bonds for the building of the plant was brought up, but Pingree settled the matter by a clever stroke.

Ald. Protiva brought word that he had been offered a bribe, and it was arranged that Protiva should take $200 from an officer of the lighting company then holding the city contract to vote against the resolution. Protiva brought the money to the mayor's office, and that night the mayor dramatically waved the money aloft on the president's rostrum in the council chamber. The sensation produced was such that the resolution was rushed through, and the plant of which the city is now so proud was built.


In 1893 Pingree was nominated for a third term by the Republicans, and the Democrats nominated Marshall H. Godfrey. The campaign was one of the hottest that ever took place in Detroit, the Pingree men charging that those in favor of a new street railway franchise furnished the funds for the Godfrey campaign, and money was spent freely on both sides. The Democrats were confident, but Pingree won by about 6,000 majority, the largest ever given a candidate for mayor up to that time.

Pingree's third term was much taken up with fighting over street railway franchises. Various propositions were brought in by the company for a new franchise, and while Pingree was in the south with his daughter Gerdrude, who was then seriously ill, a franchise was framed, which the mayor's advisers indorsed, providing for cheap tickets during certain hours of the day. Pingree at first agreed to the ordinance, but when he fould aldermen who had always been friendly to the company ready to vote for it, he declared that he would veto the measure if it was passed, and the ordinance was dropped.


In the hard times beginning in 1893 Mayor Pingree enunciated an idea the development of which brought him more notice in other states than any other feature of his career. Viro W. Richardson, then writing real estate news for the Free Press, was struck by the fact that hundreds of acres of land lay idle within the limits of Detroit, while thousands of people were craving a chance to earn a livelihood, and he suggested that many needy families could undoubtedly obtain their sustenance if they were given a chance to raise crops on this unproductive real estate. Mayor Pingree took the matter up, secured a small appropriation and called upon owners of unoccupied land to give the use of it to poor people for the raising of potatoes. The plan proved successful and was followed in many other large cities, and earned for the mayor the name of "Potato" Pingree.

In 1895 Samuel Goldwater was pitted against Pingree by the Democrats,  but Goldwater's candidacy was regarded largely as a joke, and Pingree had over 10,000 majority.


An incident illustrating the manner in which Pingree liked to bring terror to brooding officials early in his career, occurred in 1895. There were many stories rife as to the use of money in the giving out of school board contracts, and the mayor determined to get evidence against some of the offending inspectors. A "plant" was arranged, with the assistance of Prosecuting Attorney Frazer, by means of which certain inspectors were overhead making a bargain for the sale of their votes of a furniture contract.  the deal was made in a room in the old Tacoma hotel, corner of Woodward and Gratiot avenues. A hole had been cut in the wall, so that the bargain could be heard by those who watched the proceedings. This trap resulted in Inspector Davis jumping his bond and going to Mexico, whence he has never returned. Inspector Liphardt was sent to Jackson, and subsequently granted a new trial, which was never had because an important witness could not be located. Another inspector tried to commit suicide, but recovered, was convicted, sentenced to the House of Correction, from which he was subsequently pardoned. Only one inspector, of the four in the deal, was acquitted.


One of the hottest fights of Pingree's municipal career occurred toward the latter end of 1894, and was carried into the legislative session of 1895. Pingree, as mayor, had appointed the health board of the city, and a Pingree political worker had been named health officer. Smallpox broke out in the city, and there was a general public demand for the removal of the health officer. Some of the mayor's strongest friends like Carl E. Schmidt and Clarence A. Black, as well as members of his family begged him to consent to the removal, but their influence was combatted. At one time it looked as if the mayor would give up his fight, but he finally insisted that the doctor should remain in his position. The newspapers were of the opinion that the removal would be in the interest of the city, and Pingree claimed that he could not get fair treatment from the journals. He accordingly had blackboards chained on the posts of the old stone fence that formerly surrounded the city hall grounds, on which he pasted his version of passing events.

When the legislature met a bill was introduced taking the appointment of the health board out of the hands of the mayor and giving the appointment to the governor, who was then John T. Rich. It was the first bitter fight of that interesting legislature, and Pingree was beaten, the first time in his city career that he was given a serious official drubbing, and he took it very much to heart for a time.  His bulletin scheme of telling people what was going on finally developed into an evening newspaper, of which his secretary, J. W. Walsh, was editor-in-chief, but it was a short-lived and expensive experience, which always prevented Pingree from indulging any further investments in newspapers.


It was in 1895 that Gov. Pingree realized his plans for securing cheaper telephone and street car service. The Bell company, which, though the Michigan Telephone Co., had had a monopoly of the telephone business in Detroit, had been charging from $72 to $160 per year for phones and Pingree declared that these prices were exorbitant. A company made of up Albert Pack, Julius Stroh, Charles Flowers, C.P. Collins, A. I McLeod and a number of others asked for a franchise under the dame of the Detroit Telephone Co., with the promise that they would reduce rates by more than one-half. Pingree pushed the ordinance through with the vigor that was at that time his characteristic.

Certain of the aldermen had a scheme for holding up the old company. The latter had looked on the application for a franchise by the Detroit company with indifference, which this council crowd did not relish. Accordingly they arranged that the Detroit franchise, on a certain Tuesday evening, should be brought up, but should fail of passage by one vote, so that the old company could be given reason to think it would be worth while to "see" the aldermen. Pingree heard of this plan, and went into the corridor outside the council chamber, calling out a certain alderman against whom he held evidence upon which he could make it uncomfortable for this city father.

"You go back into the council chamber, vote against the ordinance, as you have agreed." said the mayor. "and then, just before the vote is announced by the clerk, change your vote to 'aye,' so that no other alderman has time to change."

The alderman did as he was told, and the franchise was passed. The Detroit Telephone Co., however, had a hard time of it. The Bell people reduced the rates, and the new company found that the telephone business could not be carried out as cheaply as they had thought. Albert Pack did not like the way it was financed and withdrew as president. Finally, a couple of years ago, the old company bought out the new concern, and the men in the Detroit company were glad to get out with a little profit.


There was some similarity in Pingree's experience with cheaper street car fares. Albert Pack and his brother, Greene Pack, and Henry A. Everett, of the present United Railway, came to Detroit in the fall of 1895, having had some experience in Cleveland street car matters, where they had fought Tom L. Johnson. They looked over the situation in Detroit and determined that there was plenty of streets for the establishment of a paying system of street railways on a basis of eight tickets for a quarter during the night and five cents for single fairs, with the provision that the city should pave between the tracks.

Pingree was enthusiastic over the proposition, which was kept very quiet, and the first publication of the project, which appeared in The Free Press, was on the morning before the council meeting at which application was made for the franchise.

It was rushed through the council, but there were stories afterwards that it took more than mere enthusiasm to get the votes of certain aldermen who afterwards made much capital out of the fact that they had supported the three-cent ordinance. It was then, too, that the mayor discovered that he sometimes had to make use of instruments he had often condemned, in order to bring about projects he considered praise-worthy.

The new street car company, after making its first unsuccessful fight against the old company, went on going business independently for a few years, but was finally gathered into the folds of the Citizens' co. and is now part of the big United monopoly, which is constantly growing greater though the rates of fare on the Detroit Railway lines remain as they were first fixed.


The most important municipal project backed by Pingree came late in his career, when, in 1899, his municipal ownership of street railways idea was advanced. Pingree was then governor, and he and Eli R. Sutton took a mysterious trip to Buffalo on a train with Tom L. Johnson, who was then running the Detroit street cars for P. T. Wilson. They evolved the plan to have the city buy and operate the street car system of Detroit. The roads were to be purchased under an issue of $17,500,000 worth of bonds, but a certain rebate was to be secured, under which it was figured that the actual price would be $15,250,000. An attempted was made to keep the plan quiet until the bill should be introduced in the legislature, but in this effort Pingree-Johnson combination was unsuccessful, and the newspapers had the city fairly well informed of the details of the plan before the governor would acknowledge that the deal was contemplated.

When the bill was finally introduced it was rushed through both houses, and the governor signed the measure as soon as it was passed.


Then came the fight to get the measure through the council. The newspapers opposed the plan as a dangerous one, and Pingree got out bulletins giving his side. Up to this time the street car company had been giving six tickets for a quarter on the Citizens' lines, though their franchises permitted them to charge five cents straight, except during the hours for workingmen's tickets, but in order to help the project along, fares were dropped to three cents, with the promise that the company would tell how they paid, but this promise was not kept.

There was much talk about how the deal was to be put through the council, but there was so much indignation against certain aldermen who changed their positions from opposition to assent, that the project failed to go through.

The failure of this plan was more severely felt by Gov. Pingree than anything in his experience, with the possible exception of the health board matter, and he was for a long time exceedingly bitter against the newspapers for their opposition, which he thought had killed the municipal ownership deal.


Pingree's ambition to become governor of Michigan cropped out as early as 1892, when the Republican state convention was held at Bay City. He had learned the tricks of city politics, but both he and his political friends were novices at the game of state politics, and the old-line Republican regarded him as an interloper. The conservative element of the party had by this time become alarmed at this methods as mayor, and their opposition was not lessened by the principles he enunciated as his platform in state politics.

He declared for a reduction of stream railroad fares to two cents a mile and for taxing railroads upon the value of their property rather than upon their earnings, and this brought him the powerful opposition of the railroad lobbyists. Pingree had also antagonized the McMillan element, and found himself against the state machine which always stood by the present senior United States senator. In 1892 Pingree got the Wayne delegation to the Republican state convention, but the men from this county accomplished little aside from making noise. In  1894 Pingree again had his home delegation, but when they got to Grand Rapids and found matters cut and dried for the nomination of Gov. Rich they took the peculiar course of voting blank in the convention.


In 1896 Pingree had found new allies in his fight for the governorship.  Albert Pack had gone into the Pingree camp through the friendship inspired by the establishment of the Detroit Railway Co. lines in Detroit. The Pingree men in the legislature of 1895 stood by Pack in the famous fight over the Detroit Railway terminal bill, which was one of the hottest contests that ever took place at Lansing, and the following year the Pack contingent was the most powerful force behind Pingree in his fight for the Republican nomination for governor. Pingree clubs were formed all over Michigan, and when the forces gathered for the fight betweeen half a dozen candidates, the Detroit mayor was found to be one of the leaders. The anti-Pingree men had figured on several candidates drawing out in favor of one of their candidates, but it was found impossible to get together on any candidate, and the upshot was that Pingree won out after one of the most hotly contested fights that ever took place in this state.


It was in this year that W. J. Bryan ran against McKinley the first time, and there was much fear that Michigan would be lost to the Republicans. It had been expected that the anti-Pingree Republicans of this state would knife the mayor, but it is related that Albert Pack went to Chairman Mark Hanna and represented to him the danger to the national ticket if such a course was pursued by Michigan stalwarts, and the chairman sent work to the leaders in the state to line up for Pingree.

When Pingree had been elected governor he announced that he would try to serve as governor and many, too, on the grounds that some street car legislation inimical to the city's interests might be pushed through the Detroit council in his absence. He did serve a few months as mayor after he had been sworn in as governor, but the Supreme Court decided that the office could not be held by one man contemporaneously, and the resulting election brought about the selection of Mayor Maybury.

In 1897 Pingree was given a second nomination unanimously and was easily re-elected over Justin R. Whiting.


When the Supreme Court had declared that Pingree could not be governor and mayor, too, he thought it incumbent upon him to try to secure the election as his successor in the mayor's chair of some man whom he could trust not to let any street railway franchise get through, and at a meeting in the governor's house it was decided to give the Republican nomination to Capt. A. E. Stewart, then a member of the legislature and a warm friend and admirer of Pingree.  The convention gave Stewart the honor unanimously, and in his enthusiasm Stewart declared he would do anything Pingree wanted him to, if elected. This remark did much to kill Stewart's chances of election, though the majority against him was small.

In 1899, when it was proposed to again nominate Stewart, the latter, remembering how Pingree's O.K. had hurt him, made the remark that he did not want certain of Pingree's friends "hollering" for him. This remark angered the governor exceedingly, and he "roasted" Stewart as hard as he had previously praised him. However, Pingree did nothing to hurt Stewart, though he would not help him, and again Stewart was defeated.


Most of Pingree's though and energy in the governor's chair was given to bringing about a change in the law on taxing the railroads, but notwithstanding all his efforts and the calling of three special session s of the legislature, the best he could accomplish was to raise the rates for taxing the railroads under the system of taxing earnings, which, however, netted the state considerable additional revenue.

The piece of work he prided himself mast upon, however, was the establishment of the state tax commission, which has brough to the tax rolls of the state the addition of more than $300,000,000 of property.


During Pingree's second term as governor, the Spanish-American war broke out, and it is likely that no governor in the country worked harder to send a well-equipped body of men to the front than he. He worked night and day, and even quit his agitation on tax matters to give all his attention to military matters.

It was about this time that it became apparent that Pingree's political prestige had brought to his side a large number of men who saw their opportunity for political and business advancement in getting his confidence and apparently working for his plans. Notwithstanding his long contact with men, he never showed himself a good judge of the flatterer, and his personal vanity was his weak point.

Franchises asked by his "friends" were not so closely scanned as those in the interests of men who might be fighting him and he refused to listen to warnings against men who were suspected of dishonesty. After the war there began to be talk about the dealing of his military board, and the indictment and conviction of two of the members are too recent to need repetition in detail.


Pingree always regarded the brining to justice of these men as the scheming of his political enemies, and he could not be made to view these events in any other light.

It was this feeling that accounted for his determination to pardon Gen. Marsh and Gen. White, and the following deluge of other pardons was perpetrated in a spirit of defiance of those who were condemning him.

Though Mr. Pingree was too busy to be said to be a man of domestic tastes, his family had a strong influence over him, and his fine home on Woodward avenue was furnished elegantly. He was especially proud of the painting that decorate the walls of his parlors, and he was given the credit of being a connoisseur in art.

He was married in 1872 to Miss Frances A. Gilbert, of Mt. Clemens, and had three children, of whom, Hazen S. Pingree, and Miss Hazel Pingree, survive. Miss Gertrude Pingree, his eldest daughter, died in 1894, and her demise was one of the saddest blows expereinced by her father.

Mr. Pingree was a thirty second degree Mason, a Shriner, and a member of Detroit Post, G.A.R. He attended the Woodward Avenue Baptist Church.

Mr. Pingree left his family well provided for. Seven or eight years ago he took out a life insurance policy for $75,000 with the New York Life, and this, it is believed he kept up until his death. Besides this he carried policies with other companies, bring up the toal to someghing over $100,000.

New York, June 18. -- Mrs. Hazen S. Pinagree, widow of ex-Gov. Pingree, whose death was announced tonight by cable, arrived in this city from Detroit this morning with her daughter, Hazel H. Pingree, and her husband's brother, F. C. Pingree. The party had started from Detroit as soon as they learned of the seriousness of the illness of Gov. Pingree in London, but received a cablegram early today that there was no use of continuing their journey, as the governor's condition was so bad they would arrive in London too late. Tonight they received a cable telling of his death.

No plans for the funeral have been made by the family. Mrs. Pingree and her daughter will go direct to Detroit, instead of taking the steamer St. Paul as intended. The widow and daughter will be escorted back home by F. C. Pingree, who will then immediately return to this city to await the arrival of the remains, which H. S. Pingree, Jr., or "Joe," as he is called, who was with his father in London when he died, will bring to this city ont he steamer Umbria, which leaves Saturday and will reach her in about a week.



Published in Detroit Free Press(Detroit, Michigan) 19 Jun 1901

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