Chapter XVIII

Whitman Massacre and Cayuse War.

Sectarian Histories Unreliable-The Battle of the Creeds-Missionaries and Settlers Classed Together-Restlessness of the Indians-Dr. White's Visit to the Nez Perces-Indians Incensed against Americans-Trouble at Oregon City-Disbandment of Methodist Mission-Catholic Method of Converting Savages-Growing Feeling of Hostility among the Cayuses-Catholics Establish a Mission in Opposition to Whitman-Joe Lewis and his Perfidy-Epidemic among the Cayuses-The Poison Theory-The Massacre at Waiilatpu-Spalding's Charges and responsibility of the Catholics-Rescue of the Prisoners by Peter Skeen Ogden-The Cayuses Prepare for War-The Whites March against the Indians-The Cayuses Settle the Matter among Themselves-Execution of the Hostages.

     The literature of this portion of Oregon's history has flowed chiefly from sectarian sources. So bitter became the feelings engendered by the religious contest, that all accounts of the events of this period are so impregnated with personal feeling as to render them valueless as history. Their very tone is evidence of unreliability; and this applies as much to the Protestant as the Catholic writings. They are composed largely of abuse of the opposite sect, of suppression of or only obscure reference to facts detrimental to the side from which the writings proceed, and of enlargement of every trivial circumstance that can be shown to the disadvantage of the opposing party. That such writings should be dignified with the title of History is a reproach to literature. A careful examination will satisfy an unprejudiced person that this chapter reveals as nearly as possible the true facts, and does justice to both parties to the controversy.

     The first gun was fired and the nature of the campaign outlined by Dr. Samuel Parker, the first associate of Dr. Whitman; and this in 1836, before the Catholics had entered the field. At the mouth of Alpowa creek, on Snake river, he came upon a burial party of Nez Perces, who "had prepared a cross to set up at the grave," and because the symbol of the crucifixion offended his sight and he feared it would make "a stepping-stone to idolatry," he took "the cross which the Indians had prepared and broke it in pieces." As the Catholics had not yet made their appearance in Oregon and consequently "didn't know they were hit," this incident is of interest simply to show the spirit of religious intolerance which held possession of Dr. Parker, and which after events proved to pervade his successors. When the two Catholic priests, Fathers Blanchet and Demers, arrived in 1838, the Methodists had missions in the Willamette valley, and at The Dalles, and the Congregationalists had one at Waiilatpu among the Cayuses, at Lapwai among the Nez Perces, and at Tshimakain among the Spokanes. The Protestants were well entrenched, and the Catholics had to enter new fields, of which there were many, or attack the others direct. It will be seen that they did both.

     The Catholic plan of operations is outlined by Father Blanchet himself, who in after years thus wrote of the duties of the missionary priests: "They were to warn their flocks against the dangers of seduction, to destroy the false impression already received, to enlighten and confirm the faith of the wavering and deceived consciences, to bring back to the practice of religion and virtue all who had forsaken them for long years or who, raised in infidelity, had never known nor practiced any of them. *** In a word they were to run after the sheep when they were in danger. Hence their passing so often from one post to another-for neither white people nor Indians claimed their assistance in vain. And it was enough for them to hear that some false prophet had penetrated into a place, or intended visiting some locality, to induce the missionaries to go there immediately, to defend the faith and prevent error from propagating iteself." Here is a direct statement from the bishop at the head of the church, that it was the Catholic plan to counteract the influence of the Protestants where they had already located missions, as well as to hasten to any new point they might select in order to prevent the founding of new ones. The first overt act of this kind was made at Nesqualy, only a few months after they arrived. Blanchet says: "The first mission to Nesqualy was made by Father Demers, who celebrated the first mass in the fort of April 22, [1839], the day after he arrived. His visit at such a time was forced upon him by the establishment of a Methodist mission for the Indians.

   * * *    After having given order to build a chapel, and said mass outside of the fort, he parted with them, blessing the Lord for the success of his mission among the whites and the Indians, and reached Cowlitz on Monday, the 30th, with the conviction that his mission at Nesqualy had left a very feeble chance for a Methodist mission there."

     Some ingenious artist among the priests made a picture showing a large tree with many branches. The different Protestant sects were represented as going up the tree and out upon various branches, from which they dropped into a fire, and this fire was kept burning by a priest who fed it with the heretical books of the roasting victims. This picture tickled the Indians immensely, and among the Nez Perces it bid fair to capture the whole tribe. As an offest Mr. Spalding had his wife paint a number of of illustrations of prominent bible events, and this panorama soon crowded the Catholic cartoon from the field. Thus this contest went on for several years. In 1841 the Cascades Indians were won away from The Dalles mission in spite of Mr. Waller's strenuous efforts to hold them. This same Mr. Waller gave expression to his feelings on doctrinal points by cutting down a cross erected by the Catholics at the Clackamas village.

     There was one thing which gave the Catholics a decided advantage among the natives, and that was the use of symbols and ceremonies, as Blanchet expresses it: "The sight of the altar, vestments, sacred vessels and great ceremonies, were drawing their attention a great deal more than the cold, unavailable and long lay services of Brother Waller." These were more akin to their own ideas of religion than the simple services of the Protestants. The mystery was fascinating to them, and they preferred to see the priests "make medicine" than to hear so much "wa wa" from the ministers. by thus working upon the superstitious nature of the savages and making no effort to suddenly change their habits and time honored customs, the Cathlics gained a firm hold upon them, and were thus able, gradually, to bring about the desired change. The Protestants, on the contrary, endeavored to accomplish too much at once, and having no censers to swing or imposing vestments to wear, could gain but slight influence over the natives when their opponents were about.

     There was still another factor which contributed to the unpopularity of the Protestant missionaries, and one which became stronger as time rolled on, and that was their connection with American settlers, and their efforts to cultivate the soil. The Indians did not want white people to settle in the country. They recognized the fact that both races could not live here, and that if white people came the Indians must go. It was this feeling which caused Ellis to forbid A.B. Smith to cultivate a patch of ground in 1840. The Hudson's Bay Company encouraged the idea among the Indians that the missions were but stepping stones to American occupation, and this idea was supported by the conduct of those in charge of the Methodist mission in the Willamette, which had become the general headquarters for American settlers. The fur company had been here for years and had not taken their lands away from them but instead, had supplied them with a good market for such furs as they might have; yet the Americans who were but new comers, were already taking their lands, and more kept arriving yearly. The outgrowth of this was a feeling of bitterness against the Americans, including the Protestant missionaries, in which neither the Hudson's Bay Company men nor the Catholics were included; and this feeling intensified year by year.

     In 1841, Dr. Whitman was insulted and attacked at Waiilatpu in consequence of trouble between Gray and an Indian. Immediately after he left on his winter journey and before Mrs. Whitman went o Fort Walla Walla, a Cayuse chief attempted to enter her room at night, and a few days later the mission mill and its contents were destroyed by fire. About the same time Mrs. Spalding, at the Lapwai mission, was grossly insulted and ordered from her own house; and at another time Mr. Spalding's life was threatened. Dr. Elijah White, the Indian agent who arrived but a few weeks before, determined to check his growing spirit of hostility. Accordingly, in November, accompanied by Thomas McKay, who had left the company's service and settled in the valley, and six men, he left the Willamette for the interior. At Fort Walla Walla McKinlay joined them and the party proceeded to Lapwai to hold a counsel with the Nez Perces. After a long talk, in which McKay and McKinlay took an important part, a treaty was entered into whereby whites and Indians were to be equally punished for offences, and the Nez Perces adopted a system of laws in which the general principals of right and justice were embodied in a form suitable to their customs and condition. Ellis was chosen head chief to enforce the laws. The party of Dr. White then retunred to hold a council with the Cayuses. But little was accomplished with them except to appoint the tenth of the ensuing April for a general council with the whole tribe. The next tribe visited was the Wascopum, at the Dalles, and these readily adopted the same laws Dr. White had given the Nez Perces. The result of these councils was to infuse a sense of security into both the whites and Indians.

     The next summer disaffection broke out afresh, owing to the evil counsels of Baptiste Dorion, a half breed son of Pierre Dorion who had been interpreter for Hunt's party of the Astor expedition in 1811. This man was interpreter for the Hudson's Bay Company, and upon his own responsibility informed some of the Indians about Fort Walla Walla that the Americans were coming up in the summer to take their lands. This story spread among the tribes along the base of the Blue mountains and created great excitement. The young warriors wanted to go to the Willamette and exterminate the Americans, but were held in check by the older ones. Peo-peo-mux-mux, chief of the Walla Wallas, visited Vancouver to ascertain the truth of Dorion's statements, and was informed by Dr. McLaughlin that he did not believe the Americans entertained any such idea; but if they did he could not rest assured that the Hudson's Bay Company would not aid them in a war of that kind against the Indians. The return of the Walla Walla chief quieted the excitement to a certain extent, yet a feeling of apprehension still remained, and the missionaries sent for Dr. White to make another official visit to the tribes. He started in the latter part of April, accompanied by Rev. Gustavus Hines, George W. LaBreton, one Indian boy and a Kanaka. Several French Canadians were to have accompanied them, but were advised by Dr. McLaughlin to remain at home and "let the Americans take care of themselves."

    The result of this visit was to restore the spirit of security, and to insure tranquility for a time at least. The Cayuses adopted the Nez Perce laws and elected for head chief Five Crows, who had embraced the Protestant faith and was favorably disposed towards the Americans. The action of Dr. McLaughlin has been severely censured and has served as an argument to to prove that the Hudson's Bay Company was stirring up the Indians to drive the Americans from the country. That is certainly putting a strained construction on it, as will be admitted when it is understood that the American settlers had but a few days before unanimously signed a memorial to congress, in which Dr. McLaughlin was severely censured. Father Demers arrived from the interior at this time and informed him that: "The Indians are only incensed against the Boston people; that they have nothing against the French or King George people; they are not mad at them, but are determined that the Boston people shall not have their lands and take away their liberties." Is it unnatural that, learning that his people were in no danger and smarting under the unjust charges of the Americans, he should have said, "Let the Americans take care of themselves?"

     There was trouble in the Willamette valley in 1844 which served to still more embitter the Indians against the Americans. There was a sub-chief of the Molallas named Cockstock, a man of independent nature and belligerent disposition. He had a few followers who partook somewhat of his spirit, and they were generally the prime movers in such hostile acts as the natives of the Willamette indulged in. He was rebellious of restraint, and not friendly to the encroachment of the white settlers. A  relative of his having mistreated Mr. Perkins at The Dalles mission, was sentenced by the Wasco tribe to be punished according to Dr. White's laws. The sub-chief was enraged at the whipping his kinsman had received, and set out to revenge the insult upon the Indian agent. Reaching the agent's Willamette home during his absence, he proceeded to break every window pane in the house. He was pursued, but not caught, and became an object of terror to the Doctor. All depredations committed in the country were charged to his chief, and it finally resulted in the offer by Dr. White of one hundred dollars reward for the arrest of the formidable Indian. Learning that he was being accused of acts committed by others, the chief visited Oregon City March 4, accompanied by four of his band, with the avowed purpose of having a talk with the whites for the purpose of exculpating himself. He entered the town, staid for about an hour, and then crossed the river to visit an Indian village to procure an Indian interpreter. He then recrossed the Willamette, when several men undertook to arrest him and a desperate fight ensued. Cockstock was killed, and his followers, after fighting valiantly until the odds became too great, made good their escape. On the other side George W. LeBreton was killed by Cockstock, and Mr. Rogers, who was working quietly near by, was wounded in the arm by a poisoned arrow, which caused his death. It has been asserted that the Molalla chief attacked the town, but it requires too much credulity to believe that five Indians would in broad daylight attack a town containing ten times their number. The whole affair is chargeable to the rash conduct of a few men who were eager to gain the paltry reward offered by Dr. White, one of whom paid for his cupidity with his life. Fearing that trouble might follow, the executive committee of the provisional government issued a proclamation for the organization of a military company. A company was organized on the tenth of March by citizens who assembled at Champoeg. Nineteen names were enrolled, T.D. Keizer being elected captain and J.L. Morrison and Mr. Carson lieutenants. Their services were not required.

     In May, 1844, Rev. George Gary arrived by sea to supersede Jason Lee in charge of the Methodist missions, the latter being already on his way East. The mission property was immediately sold and the missionary work, which had amounted to little so far as accomplishments were concerned for several years, was discontinued, except at The Dalles. While the Methodists were thus withdrawing from the field, the Catholics were largely increasing their force. Among other arrivals for that purpose were six sisters of the order of Notre Dame, who came to found a convent in the Willamette. As Father Blanchet expresses it: "The schemes of the Protestant ministers had been fought and nearly annihilated, especially Nesqualy, Vancouver, Cascades, Clackamas, and Willamette falls, so that a visitor came in 1844 and disbanded the whole Methodist mission, and sold its property." The Methodists being disposed of the next thing in order was to get rid of the Congregationalists, whose missions were at least holding their own, and one of them, that of Mr. Spalding, at Lapwai, making considerable progress in civilizing the Nez Perces.

     The most successful missionaries among the aborigines of America have been the Catholics. The extent of their operations and success of their efforts in this field, are but partially known to either the Protestant or Catholic world; and the secret of their success lies in the zeal and judgment with which their religion is impressed upon the uncultivated understanding by ceremonies and symbols. All Indians believe in immortality, in the power and influence of both good and evil spirits upon the family of man. The strongest hold that can be obtained upon that race is to bind them with cords of belief and fear to unseen power, let that power be what it may. Their superstitious natures lead them to attribute their good or ill fortune largely to super natural influences, and to enter the door to their understanding of spiritual matters it is necessary to keep that door ajar for such purpose. Unless the white man's God is a greater medicine than the Indian's, they want none of him. Unless he can save them more effectually now and hereafter than the one they have always worshiped, they would prefer the old God to the new one. They believe that the Great Spirit helps them to slay their enemies, directs the fish to their snares and the wild game to their hunting grounds. If he fails so to do, it is because he is angry with them and must be propitiated. A God that leaves an Indian hungry and a scalp on the head of his offending enemy, would be void of interest or attraction. The Catholic missionary teaches the credulous Indian that the white man's God not only takes heed of the hair that falls from the head of his chosen, but provides for him; and, being the God not only of peace, but of battle, makes his arms invincible in waging just war against his enemies. No stronger inducement can be given to a savage for adopting any religious faith than that of being able by that means to protect himself against his foes, to fill his stomach, and to go after death to the happy hunting grounds, where there are no enemies and no fasting. The Catholic missionary not only understands all this and teaches as stated, but he deals out to them religion in homeopathic doses. Through the sense of sight, the priest makes an impression upon the brain by ceremonies and the attractive symbols of his faith. He follows more closely than the Protestant in the line of what the Indian expects to see as typical of a mysterious something unseen. It being nearer to his conception and what he has been accustomed to, he more readily believes and adopts it. Using these levers, the missionary moves the Indian by tribes into the Catholic church. After gaining an ascendancy the priest makes a judicious use of his influence to eradicate the evil practices of his neophytes, without destroying his chance for accomplishing any good by asking too great a change suddenly. By such systematic methods as this, the Catholic power had been so increased by 1847 that there were eight missions and twenty-six priests, sixteen churches and chapels, three institutions of learning, 5,000 Indian converts and 1,500 Catholic settlers, chiefly Canadians.

     On the contrary the Protestant missions were making comparatively little headway. At each station there were a few who seemed to be in full accord with them, but the great majority of the tribe were buy slightly affected by their preaching. At Waiilatpu things had been going wrong for some time. From the time Whitman first went among them there was a small portion of the Cayuses who were opposed to him and his work. At the head of this faction was Tam-su-ky, an influential chief who lived on Walla Walla river a few miles from the mission. Five Crows, the head chief, resided on the Umatilla forty miles away. It was this element which made the trouble in 1842 and burned the Doctor's mill. When Whitman returned with the great train of emigrants in 1843, these Indians pointed to it as an evidence that his missionary pretensions were but a cloak for a design upon their liberties, that he was bringing Americans here who would take away their lands. In them Baptiste Dorion found willing associates in spreading his stories about the sinister designs of the Americans. This feeling of hostility spread from year to year, especially among the Cayuses, through whose country the immigrants all passed, and who were thus better able than the other tribes to see what great numbers were coming and what a hearty welcome they all received from Dr. Whitman and his associates. As far back as 1845, a Delaware Indian, called Tom Hill, had been living with the Nez Perce tribe. He had told them how American missionaries had visited his people, first to teach religion, and then the Americans had taken their lands; and he warned them to drive Mr. Spalding away, unless they would invited a similar misfortune. This Indian visited Whitman's mission and repeated to the Cayuses his story of the ruin of his tribe that had followed the advent of American missionaries to live among them. In the latter part of 1847, another Indian came among the Cayuses, who had been taken from west of the Cascades to the States, when a boy, where he grew to manhood among the Americans. His name was Joe Lewis, and he bent all the powers of his sublte nature to the task of creating hatred of the missionaries and Americans among the Indians at Waiilatpu. He reaffirmed the statements of Dorion and Tom Hill, and said it was the American plan of operations to first send missionaries, then a few settlers every year until they had taken all the land and made the Indians slaves. It was then that Tam-su-ky and his followers were triumphant and could boast of their superior wisdom in opposing the mission from the first. The tribe was divided into three classes, a few faithful followers of the Doctor and his God, a few bitterly opposed to the mission, and the great majority of the tribe indifferent but gradually acquiring a feeling of hostility. There were many, also, who desired to exchange to the Catholic religion, of which they heard favorable reports from other tribes. The long black gowns and imposing ceremonies had captured them. Whitman perceived the gathering storm but though it could be averted. Thomas McKay warned him that it was unsafe to live longer with the Cayuses, and the Doctor offered to sell the property to him, an offer which McKay agreed to accept if he could dispose of his claim on the Willamette. With his in view Whitman went to The Dalles in the fall of 1847, and purchased the disused Methodist mission there, and leaving his nephew, P.B. Whitman, in charge he returned to Waiilatpu to spend the winter, preparatory to moving away in the spring.

     This was the condition of affairs at Waiilatpu when the Catholics decided to take advantage of the desire of a number of the Cayuses to embrace their faith and establish a mission among them. On the fifth of September, 1847, Father A.M.A. Blanchet reached Walla Walla with three associate priests, and the fort became their headquarters for a number of weeks while they were seeking a suitable place for a permanent location. Whitman found them there upon his return from the Dalles, and quite a stormy interview ensued, though it must be confessed that the storming was chiefly done by the Doctor; and no wonder. He had just made arrangements to abandon all he had accomplished by eleven years of self-denial and labor, and here he found those to whom he attributed his misfortunes ready to take his place even before he had left it. He did not hesitate to tell them his opinion of their conduct, and the complaisant manner in which they received his complaint aggravated him the more.

     Immigrants from the States in the fall of that year brought with them the dysentery and measles, which soon became epidemic among the Cayuses. Many Indians died in spite of the remedies administered by the Doctor. Joe Lewis made good use of his opportunity. He told the Indians that Whitman intended to kill them all; that for this purpose he had sent home for poison two years before, but they had not forwarded a good kind; that this year the immigrants had brought him some good poison and he was now using it to kill off the Cayuses; that when they were all dead the Americans would come and take their lands. He even went so far as to declare that he overhead a conversation between Mr. Spalding and Dr. and Mrs. Whitman, in which the former complained because the Doctor was not killing them fast enough, and then the trio began to count up the wealth they would acquire when the Indians were all disposed of. This received much credence among the tribe, especially since they knew of a somewhat similar case a few years before, when an American purposely spread smallpox among the Blackfeet and killed hundreds of that tribe. Without knowing the perfidious conduct of Joe Lewis, who was employed about the mission, Dr. Whitman perceived the signs of danger, and asked Thomas McKay to spend the winter with him, as that gentleman's influence with the natives was great; but Mr. McKay was unable to comply.

     On the twenty-seventh of November, two days before the massacre, the Catholics established their mission on the Umatilla, forty miles from Waiilatpu and near the home of Five Crows, the head chief. Joe Lewis had assured the Cayuses that the priest had told him Dr. Whitman was giving them poison, which does not seem to be sustained by reason or probability. In 1882 the writer had a long interview with three of these Indians, ones who were still adherents of the faith taught them by Whitman, and since they have suffered much persecution at the hands of the Catholics in charge of the mission, were not inclined to tell untruths in their belief. They unanimously agreed that they never head the priest say anything about Dr. Whitman giving them poison; that Joe Lewis told them that, and said he learned it from the priest; that it was generally believed the priest had said so, but afterwards in investigating the matter among themselves they could find no one to whom the priest said anything of the kind, and that it all came through Joe Lewis. One thing the Roman missionary did say, and this helped to confirm the Indians in their belief that he had also said the other, and that was that Dr. Whitman was a band man, and if they believed what he told them they would all go to hell, for he was telling them lies. Even such a statement as that, to unreasoning and passionate savages,  was almost enough, in case they believed it true, to have caused the bloody scene which followed, even had not the poison theory been so industriously circulated by the scheming Lewis.

     The followers of Tam-su-ky determined to prove the poison theory. The wife of that chief was sick, and they agreed among themselves that they would get some medicine from the Doctor and give it to her; if she recovered, good, if not, then they would kill the missionaries. They did so, and the woman died.

     Waiilatpu was centrally located, since the Cayuses occupied the country from Umatilla river to the Tukannon. Every Sunday large numbers gathered at the mission, some of them to actually participate in the services, and others because of the crowd they knew would be assembled. On week days, however, it was seldom that a dozen could be found there at a time. For this reason Tam-su-ky and his followers chose a week day for their deed, a time when they thought none of the Whitman Indians would be present to interfere. They were careful to conceal their design from the Christian Indians and from the head chief, Five Crows, for fear he would prevent its execution. About fifty Indians assembled at the mission on the twenty-ninth of November, 1847, being chiefly the relatives and friends of Tam-su-ky. Of these only five participated in the bloody work, the others simply looking on and preventing the interference of any outsiders and especially of the one or two Whitman Indians who happened to be present. The horrible details of the massacre it is needless to relate. Mr. Spalding has given them with a minuteness that is strongly suggestive of an origin in the imagination, yet his narrative is probably in the main as correct as could possibly be gathered from the incoherent stories of frightened women and children. It is only when he carries the melodramatic too far, and when he is endeavoring to make it appear that the massacre was perpetrated at the instigation of Father Brouillet and sanctioned by the Hudson's Bay company, that his statements become unreliable. His picture is much overdrawn, though Heaven knows that in some particulars, and especially in the after treatment of the female prisoners, even those of tender age, the pen utterly fails to depict the horrors of the scene. He uses such expressions as "multitudes of Indians," "cutting down their victims everywhere," "the roar of guns," the ring to the discharge of a few guns, "crash of the clubs and the knives;" and yet when the whole is summed up but thirteen were killed in all, nine that day, two the next and two eight days later. He is equally reckless in his language when making charges against Father Brouillet, whom he accuses of coming up from the Umatilla the day after the massacre and "baptizing the murderers." The facts are that he came upon an invitation given him by the missionary several days before, only learning of the horrible tragedy upon his arrival; and the "murderers" whom he baptized were three sick children, two of whom died immediately after the ceremony. He also accuses him of pretending to find the poison and burying it so that it could have no more influence. The Whitman Indians stated unanimously that Joe Lewis did this and not the priest. The only interference the priest dared to make at all was when he successfully interposed to save Spalding's life.

     The bloody excesses into which religious zealots were led in times past suggest the possibility of the truth of these charges, yet they are entirely unsupported by evidence, and common charity should demand convincing proof to sustain such an accusation. Though the Catholics are cleared of the charge of directly instigating the massacre by telling the Indians that Dr. Whitman was poisoning them so that he might secure their lands for his friends, yet they cannot escape the moral responsibility of the deed. In the first place they went among the Cayuses for the purpose of driving Whitman away and obtaining control of the tribe. To accomplish this they told the Indians that Dr. Whitman was a bad man, was telling them lies, and if they believed him they would all go to hell. Father Brouillet ought by that time to have become sufficiently acquainted with the Indian character to know that such assertions, if they were credited, were calculated to bring on just such a tragedy as was enacted. Whether he knew this and acted with that end in view, or whether he expected to simply win the religious trust of the Cayuses away from Whitman, will remain a secret forever. The massacre was the result of four separate causes-the dislike of Americans, the ravages of the epidemic, the poison intrigue of Joe Lewis, and the priest's denunciations of Dr. Whitman-and Father Brouillet can never shake off the moral responsibility for one of the most potent of theses causes. The victims of this conflict of creeds were: Dr. Marcus Whitman, Mrs. Narcissa Whitman, John Sager, Francis Sager, Crockett Bewley, Mr. Rogers, Mr. Kimball, Mr. Sales, Mr. Marsh, Mr. Sanders, James Young, Jr., Mr. Hoffman, and Isaac Gillen.

     Immediately after the massacre Joe Lewis told the Cayuses that now they must fight, for the Americans would surely come to punish them. He advised them to send him and two others to Salt lake with a band of horses, to purchase ammunition from the Mormons. He started with a select band of animals and two young braves, and a few days later one of the braves returned with the intelligence that Joe Lewis had killed the other one and decamped with the horses; and this was the last the Cayuses saw of that scheming villain.

     Intelligence of the massacre reached Fort Vancouver by special messenger from William McBean, in charge of Fort Walla Walla. The messenger did not warn the people at The Dalles of their danger, but went directly to the fort and delivered his message to James Douglas, then the chief factor at Vancouver. When questioned about his conduct he said he was obeying instructions received from McBean. This and the conduct of McBean at Fort Walla Walla in displaying an unwillingness to receive and protect fugitives from Waiilatpu, have been cited as conclusive evidence that the Hudson's Bay Company connived at the massacre; but nothing in the conduct of other officers of the company sustains such an opinion, while much is to the contrary, and it simply shows that McBean was a narrow-minded man who, knowing the general feeling of the Indians in that region against the Americans, was afraid he would compromise the company by defending them. He had not soul enough to rise to the emergency.

     Mr. Douglas sent a message to Governor Abernethy, advising him of what had taken place; and without waiting to see what steps the Americans would take, Peter Skeen Ogden, an old and influential factor of the company, departed from Vancouver with an armed force for the scene of the tragedy, advising the people at The Dalles of their danger as he passed. He reached Walla Walla on the nineteenth of December. The next day the Cayuses held a council and decided that if the Americans would call everything square and would make a treaty of peace, they would deliver up the prisoners. Three days later the chiefs came to Walla Walla and held a council with Mr. Ogden, who offered to ransom the captives and assured the Indians that they would regret it if they provoked the Americans to war, and that the company was much displeased with their conduct. The conference resulted in the surrender of forty-seven prisoners upon the payment of a small quantity of tobacco, clothing, guns and ammunition. On the first of January fifty Nez Perces arrived with Mr. Spalding and ten others from Lapwai, receiving a similar payment from Mr. Ogden, and on the second the whole party started down the Columbia. Two hours later fifty Cayuse warriors dashed up to the fort to demand the surrender of Mr. Spalding, as they had just learned that a company of Americans had arrived at The Dalles to make war upon them.  On the tenth of January they all reached Oregon City, and great was the joy of the people. For his humane conduct and prompt action Peter Skeen Ogden should always occupy a warm place in the hearts of Americans; yet there are those who ungratefully accuse him of attempting to arm the Cayuses against the Americans, simply because a few guns and a little ammunition formed a portion of the ransom paid to deliver these helpless women from captivity that was worse than death.

     While Mr. Ogden was absent on his errand of mercy, the American settlers were not idle. On the eighth of December Governor Abernethy informed the legislature of what had been done at Waiilatpu, and by message called for volunteers. That night at a public meeting a company was organized to proceed at once to The Dalles, as an outpost to protect the missionaries there, and to dispute a passage of the Cascade mountains with the hostile Indians if any attempted carrying war into the Willamette settlements. The company was commanded by Henry A.G. Lee, captain, and Joseph Magone and John E. Ross, lieutenants. The legislature pledged the credit of the provisional government to pay the expenses of procuring an outfit for this company, and appointed a committee to visit Vancouver and negotiate for the same from the Hudson's Bay Company, which they did, but were obliged to become personally responsible for the amount. December 10, the Oregon Rifles reached Vancouver, received their supplies, and pushed on The Dalles, where they arrived on the twenty-first of the month. In the meantime the legislature entered with energy upon a series of resolutions and enactments with a view to military organization of magnitude sufficient to chastise the Indians, and the citizens by subscriptions and enlistments seconded cordially the efforts of their provisional government. Many were for pushing forward into the enemy's country at once with a formidable force, but wiser counsels prevailed and nothing was done likely to prevent the Indians from surrendering their white captives to Mr. Ogden.

     On the ninth of December the legislature authorized the equipping of a regiment of 500 men, and in accordance with the act sixteen companies were raised. Cornelius Gilliam was chosen colonel, James Waters, lieutenant-colonel, and H.A.G. Lee, major.

     February 23, 1848, Colonel Gilliam reached The Dalles with fifty men. The main body of his regiment arriving at that place, he moved to the Des Chutes river on the twenty-seventh with 130 men, crossed to the east bank, and sent Major Lee up the stream about twenty miles on a reconnaissance, where he found the enemy, engaged them, killed one, lost some of his horses and returned to report progress. on the twenty-ninth Colonel Gilliam moved up the Des Chutes to Meek's crossing at the mouth of the canon in which Major Lee had met the Indians. The next morning on entering the canon a skirmish followed, in which were captured from the hostiles, 40 horses, 4 head of cattle and $300 worth of personal property, all of which was sold by the quartermaster for $1,400. The loss of the Indians in killed and wounded was not  known. There was one white man wounded. The result was a treaty of peace with the Des Chutes Indians. The command pushed immediately forward to the Walla Walla country and reached the mission prior to March 4. On the way to that place a battle occurred at Sand Hollows, on the emigrant road eight miles east of the Well Springs. It commenced on the plain where washes in the sand make natural hiding places for a foe, and lasted until towards night. The volunteer force was arranged with the train in the road protected by Captain hall's company. The companies of Captains Thompson and Maxon, forming the left flank, were on the north side of the road, and those of Captains English and McKay, as the right flank, were on the south or right of the command. Upon McKay's company at the extreme right the first demonstration was made. Five Crows, the head chief of the Cayuses, made some pretensions to the possession of wizard powers, and declared to his people that no ball from a white man's gun could kill him. Another chief of that tribe named War Eagle or Swallow Bull, made similar professions and stated that he could swallow all the bullets from the guns of the invading army if they were fired at him. The two chiefs promised their people that Gilliam's command should never reach the Umatilla river, and to demonstrate their invulnerability and power as medicine chiefs, they dashed out from concealment, rode down close to the volunteers and shot a little dog that came out to bark at them. Captain McKay, although the order was not to fire, could hold back no longer, and bringing his rifle to bear took deliberate aim and shot War Eagle through the head, killing him instantly. Lieutenant Charles McKay brought his shot gun down to the hollow of his arm, and firing without sighting it, so several wounded Five Crows that he gave up the command of his warriors. This was a serious, chilling opening for the Indians, two chiefs gone at the first onset and their medicine proved worthless; but they continued the battle in a skirmishing way, making dashing attacks and masterly retreats until late in the afternoon. At one time during the engagement, Captain Maxon's company followed the enemy so far that it was surrounded, and a sharp encounter followed, in which a number of volunteers were disabled. In fact, eight of the eleven soldiers wounded that day were Maxon's company. Two Indians were known to have been killed, but the enemy's loss could not be known as they removed all of their wounded and dead, except two.

     That night the regiment camped on the battlefield without water, and the Indians built large and numerous fires along the bluffs or high lands some two miles in advance. The next day Colonel Gilliam moved on, and without incident worthy of note, reached Whitman's mission, the third day after the battle. The main body of Indians fell back towards Snake river, and a fruitless attempt followed to induce them to give up the parties who had committed the murders at Waiilatpu. Colonel Gilliam at last determined upon making a raid into the Snake river country, and in carrying out this programme, surprised a camp of Cayuses near the stream, among whom were some of the murderers. The captured camp professed friendship, however, and pointed out the horses of Indians on the hills, which they, said belonged to the parties whom the Colonel was anxious to kill or capture, stating that their owners were on the north side of Snake river and beyond reach. So well was their part acted that the officers believed their statements, proceeded to drive off the stock indicated, and started on their return. They soon found that a grievous error had been committed in releasing the village, whose male population were soon mounted upon war horses, and assailed the volunteers on all sides, forcing them to fight their way as they fell back to the Touchet river. Through the whole day and until evening, yes, into the night after their arrival at the latter stream, the contest was maintained, a constant, harassing skirmish. The soldiers would drive the Indians back again and again, but as soon as the retreat was resumed, the red skins were upon them once more. Finally, after going into camp on the Touchet, Colonel Gilliam ordered the captured stock turned loose, and when the Indians got possession of it, they returned to Snake river without molesting the command any further. in the struggle on the Touchet, when the retreating soldiers first reached that stream, William Taylor was mortally wounded by an Indian who sprang up in the bushes by the stream and fired with but a few yards between them. Nathan Olney, afterwards Indian agent, seeing the act, rushed upon the savage, snatched from his hand a war club in which was fastened a piece of iron, and dealt him a blow on the head with it with such force as to cause the iron to split the club, and yet failed to kill him. He then closed with his antagonist in a hand to hand struggle, and soon ended the contest with a knife. The writer has not been able to learn of any other known casualties in that affair, which ended without having accomplished anything to further the purpose of the campaign.

     Colonel Gilliam started from the mission on the twentieth of March, with a small force destined to return from the Dalles with supplies, while he was to continue to the Willamette and report to the governor. While camped at Well Springs he was killed by an accidental discharge of a gun, and his remains were taken to his friends west of the Cascades by Major Lee. This officer soon returned to his regiment with a commission as colonel, but finding Lt. Col. Waters had been elected by the regiment to that position in his absence, he resigned and filled a subordinate office for the remainder of his term of enlistment. The attempt by commissioners, who had been sent with the volunteers, as requested by the Indians in their memorial to the Americans, to negotiate a peaceful solution of the difficult problem, failed. They wanted the Indians to deliver up for execution all those who had imbued their hands in the blood of our countrymen at Waiilatpu, and it included several chiefs; they wished the Cayuses to pay all damages to emigrants caused by their being robbed or attacked while passing through the Cayuse country. The Indians wished nothing of the kind. They wanted peace, and to be let alone; for the Americans to call the account balanced and drop the matter. The failure to agree had resulted in two or three skirmishes, one of them at least a severe test of strength, in which the Indians had received the worst of it, and in the other volunteers had accomplished nothing that could be counted a success. The Cayuses finding that no compromise could be effected, abandoned their country, and most of them passed east of the mountains. Nothing was left for the volunteers but to leave the country also, which they did, and the Cayuse war had practically ended. Finally, they were given to understand that peace could never exist between them and the Americans until the murderers were delivered me for punishment.

     At that time, early in 1850, Tam-su-ky and his supporters, including many relatives who had not in any manner participated in the massacre, were hiding in the mountains at the head of John Day river. The Indians who desired peace went after them, and a fight ensued, ending in the capture of nearly all of the turbulent band. Only one, however, of the five who were actually engaged in the bloody work at Waiilatpu (so the Whitman Indians assert) was captured, and he was Ta-ma-has, a bloody-minded villain whom his countrymen called The "Murderer." It was he who commenced the work of death by braining Dr. Whitman  with a hatchet. Taking him and four others, several of the older men and chiefs went to Oregon City to deliver them up as hostages. They were at once thrown into prison, condemned, and hung at Oregon City on the third of June, 1850; and even the ones who brought them, in view of this summary proceeding, congratulated themselves upon their safe return. They believed that Ta-ma-has should have been hung, but not the other four, not understanding the theory of accomplices, and so the few survivors of the tribe assert to the present day.