A VOICE FROMSouth CarolinaTwelve Chapters Before Hampton and Two
Chapters after Hampton |
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A VOICE FROMSouth CarolinaTwelve Chapters Before Hampton and Two
Chapters after Hampton |
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| POSTSCRIPT CHAPTER FIRST - Hampton's
campaign The foregoing chapter was intended as the last of this "little book" but the financial embarrassments and business stagnation with our selected publisher were such, that our MS. has been lying quietly by us for more than a year, with the hope of finding a new one. In the meantime, history has been progressing, and startling events have developed material enough for a much larger book, and one of a very different character. The centennial year has come and gone; the exciting, critical and astounding Presidential election has given a new and unique chapter to American politics; and the dark cloud, which has so long brooded over our State, has suddenly been rifted, and Wade Hampton is Governor of South Carolina! These events, closely linked together as they have been, are on too magnificent a scale for mere human agency; and South Carolina has had her "Thanksgiving Day " for this signal deliverance from more than Egyptian bondage. But we must proceed in some order; necessarily condensing into a brief abstract, subjects which may yet call forth volumes. The grand Centennial Exposition at Philadelphia was, in every sense, worthy of the occasion, and its success has surpassed the wildest dreams of its most sanguine advocates. It has been national in its character, and its influence for good will tell on all our people for all time to come. Representatives from every part of our broad land were brought into familiar contact for weeks and months together, and ties were renewed between those great families of States which had been weakened by long estrangement, and which the great civil war had well nigh sundered. As nearly all the peoples of the earth were represented there, if not by personal representatives, yet by specimens of their skill, art and industries, the favorable occasion served greatly to enlarge our views; to throw down and uproot the prejudices of centuries, and to show that, for cultivated skill, and enterprising industry, "the field is the world." The Presidential election, too, is much too grave a theme to be discussed in mere postscript chapters. Forty millions of people, distributed over thirty-eight different States, have as much interest in that wild contest, and its anomalous close, as the writer has, and he may well leave the discussion for abler pens, and wiser heads. His " Voice," were he to attempt it, would be like the war-cry of the disembodied Greeks, at the approach of Eneas. This much may be allowed: The "counting in"of President Hayes was the climax in a series of bold steps in political progress,"for which the party now in power has acquired a world-wide notoriety. Starting in 1860 as a strictly sectional party, it defied and brought on a strictly sectional war. Since then it has exercised a sectional domination, on which alt the arbitrary powers of the Old World have gazed with amazement. It has created "States" out of ancient commonwealths, with constitutions framed at its own bidding, and utterly repugnant to those governed. It has manipulated the sacred right of the " ballot " to suit its own purposes: and, now that this ballot has made one effort at independent action, this party unblushingly reverses its decisions, by changing sixteen electoral votes to secure a majority of one! This, too, in the face of a popular majority of more than 300,000! As a single, original act of usurpation, its frightful enormity would have shocked the whole American people; but being, as it is, the last of a series, it seems to be viewed in different lights, according as the eye has or has not become accustomed to startling visions. There was one decision by this mighty vote, however, which even this reckless party could not ignore. Throughout the length and breadth of the land it was proclaimed, in thunder tones, that this vile oppression of American citizens must cease! Accordingly, one of the first acts of the Hayes Administration, was to withdraw Federal bayonets from the legislative halls of sovereign States, and thus make way for State officers, selected by their own people. Thus the Governors elected by the people were allowed to take their seats; and Louisiana hailed her Nicholls as Chief Magistrate, and South Carolina, her Wade Hampton! Mr. Hayes accomplished as much for us, in this deliverance, as Tilden himself could have done, and without that hue and cry which would have followed the action of a Democratic Executive. So that Hayes' inauguration has proved a blessing in disguise to our down-trodden people, and we certainly owe him no grudge. In a succinct resume of the memorable events of 1876, it would delight the writer to linger long around Fort Moultrie, and give some of the details of the centennial celebration of South Carolina's Thermopylae. Here her four hundred, without hope of retreat, held their station in what General Charles Lee called a "slaughter-pen," fully determined to do or die. They did not suffer the fate of Sparta's three hundred, but, on the contrary, gradually drove back the combined fleet of the "Mistress of the Sea." Are they to be honored by their posterity the less on this account? In the midst of desponding fears, and while groaning under grievous wrongs, the ancient city of Charleston put on her gala dress, and invited the whole country to a participation in this glorying in the past. The whole State responded, because this great battle, fought before the " Declaration," was her first act of sovereignty and independence. Whatever her present sufferings and attempted degradation, the past was secure, and belonged to her and her children. Massachusetts responded nobly to the call, and from under the shadow of Bunker Hill monument, the choice of her military companies were sent to give the right hand of fellowship, and to participate fully in all the honors of the occasion. The grand ovation given our military the year before, in sight of Bunker Hill, could not be reciprocated in our impoverished condition, but the same spirit and the same heart were there. In the beautiful "Moultrie Monument," which now adorns White Point Garden, in Charleston, and from her Battery looks out upon Sullivan's Island and old ocean, Boston has an undivided share — contributed with all the frankness of manly and Christian chivalry. But while these exhibitions of our higher and nobler nature were thus called forth by memories of the past, the grim demon of hate, with all its relentless venom, was still abroad in the land. The cue given by politicians of the Blaine school, in£ongress, was taken up by unscrupulous demagogues at widely separated points, in the heated Presidential contest then going on. The "bloody shirt " was waved most furiously, particularly in the Northwest, and any Southern "outrage " was eagerly watched for to rekindle the failing embers. The local incendiaries, particularly the emissaries of the carpet-bag authorities, were most active i.n fomenting a strife of races. In South Carolina they thought they had made a case, in what they were pleased to call the "Hamburg Horror." Hamburg had once been a thriving business mart, but the railroad had sapped it of all prosperity. The buildings had been almost wholly abandoned by the whites, and, of course, they became the harbors for dissolute and vagrant negroes, and a sure retreat for escaped convicts from every part of the State. The charter being still in existence, they had the whole municipal control. This was regarded by the Radical authorities as the most combustible point in the State, and arms were furnished, and emissaries sent among them to stir up trouble. Need we go on to the sequel so often repeated among our long-suffering people? Negroes, with arms in their hands, offer some insults and indignities to high-spirited young men. This, of course, is resented. Others flock to the scene, the lines are drawn, and the negroes retire to fortify themselves in an abandoned building. The first blood shed was that of a white man ; shot through the head, while standing with his comrades on the defensive. This highly exasperated the whole community, far and near; the more restless spirits were soon on the ground, and in the lead, and that night the negroes were made to suffer. The telegraph wires throughout the land were busy all the next day, in flashing this terrible " outrage " to the remotest hamlet. Fortunately for the cause of truth, the Circuit Court was soon after in session, and those who were denounced as the "bloody rioters," voluntarily gave themselves up, and demanded a trial, even before a Radical Judge. But it was no part of the programme to have the truth come out, so the whole matter was postponed to the next court, and they never have been tried! The next horror was the "Ellenton Riots," inspired by the same parties, and with the same objects in view. A white woman had been most inhumanly assaulted and maltreated by a negro, who was afterwards recognized by a little child. An arrest was, of course, attempted, but in due course of law, yet, such was the spirit then among the negroes, that they felt bound to aid one of their own number, against the whites, right or wrong. Small bodies uniting became formidable in their proportions, and the organizations on the part of the whites, also greatly exceeded the usual "posse comitatus" The feeling spread from neighborhood to neighborhood, and from community to community, till that whole section of country seemed to be under arms. Just at the crisis, threatening an immediate conflict, a detachment of United States soldiers appeared on the ground, and by their intervention both sides agreed to disband and go home quietly. The parties arrested, on the part of the whites (there were none on the part of the blacks), also insisted on immediate trial, but they, too, were "postponed." However, early in the present year, their case has been heard. Corbin, familiarly called (Ku-Klux Korbin), the malignant United States District Attorney, had selected those he regarded as the worst cases on the list, had filled all the negro boarding-houses in Charleston, with an unlimited number of colored "witnesses," had manipulated the juries, both grand and petit; and yet, after all his efforts in their trial, he could only secure a " mistrial"—jury failing to agree! Of course, that settled the whole matter, and we will hear no more of the " Ellenton Rioters," in the courts at least. But these offsets from " Centennial fraternizing," have led us to anticipate the regular course of events. Chamberlain was still playing his bold game of apparently conciliating a people whom he both hated and feared, and, at the same time, retaining the confidence and control of his own party. In the face of the election of Moses and Whipper to the bench, he had positively refused to commission them. About the same time, and in allusion to this election, he had said, in response to an invitation to the anniversary of the New England Society, in Charleston, that " the civilization of both the Huguenot and Cavalier was in imminent danger." He had denounced Elliott, his colored Attorney-General, in the most bitter and opprobrious terms; and, in those pen-pictures, in which he so eminently excels, was representing himself as in the van of " Reform," sword drawn, and scabbard thrown away! And our confiding people were disposed to believe him, attributing his villainous appointments and conniving with thieves and rogues, to necessity, in carrying out his policy ! Even in May, 1876, when the first Democratic Convention met, he had the trembling confidence of a majority of the members. Col. M. C. Butler and Gen. Gary, both from Edgefield, denounced him and his policy in no measured terms, and insisted, even then, on a " straightout " Democratic nomination for State officers ; but the majority were still hoping for " Reform," from the great High Priest of Radicalism. The summer passed over, the bomb-shells of "Hamburg" and "Ellenton" had been exploded, the military grip on the State was becoming stronger and tighter, and all " Reform " was still in abeyance. The question now was, must the old State, Samson-like, in being both captive and blind, but "make sport" in the presence of her exulting enemies, her own people aiding and abetting? A very different spirit prevailed in the Democratic Convention which re-assembled in August. The conviction was now forced upon her citizens, that if South Carolina was ever to be redeemed, it was to be done by her own people, under their own leaders. All temporizing and compromizing was then boldly thrown aside. The State was ranged squarely under the Democratic banner, and her own sons, well tried and true, were nominated for her highest offices. This, of course, was an immediate checkmate to Chamberlain's deep-laid and long-plotted scheme. But, in the emergency he was — himself - With a reckless boldness which his friends have dignified with the name of courage, but which seems more appropriate to the character of the detected assassin, he, at once, threw off the mask, and openly took his stand at the head of the worst cements of his party. At the Radical Convention, soon after assembled, he claimed and received their nomination, as their acknowledged chief, and, arm-in-arm with Elliott, he deposited his vote, nominating the latter for reelection. The nomination of Gen. Wade Hampton for Governor, sent a thrill like electricity through the State, Hampton's campaign and revived hopes, long drooping and well nigh dead. The mere possibility of having this favorite son of the State at the head of affairs, stirred the hearts of all her people, and awakened emotions of patriotism long deemed crushed out. Hampton, himself, seemed inspired for the occasion. Busily occupied in efforts to recover something from the ruins of his once magnificent estates, he at once threw aside all private matters, and boldly entered upon a campaign unequalled in the annals of Republics. All the State officers were arrayed against him, with their "election machinery " arranged and perfected through a whole decade of unbroken success. The Radical State census called for more than 30,-OOO majority of colored votes. The administration at Washington was ready and anxious to furnish all the resources of the army and navy to uphold this nondescript government, in order to secure the electoral vote of the State, in the exceedingly close contest, then going on, for President of the United States. This state of things would have appalled any personal aspirant for office; but Hampton seems, from the first, to have thrown aside the personal, and to have regarded himself as the embodiment of the "Forlorn Hope" of South Carolina. All public gatherings, all strife of words, and particularly all public speaking were averse to his natural tastes; but, with a self-sacrifice worthy the cause, he plunged headlong into the midst of all these, and with a consciousness that there could be no respite till the end. Beginning in the mountains, where the news of his nomination first reached him, he made appointments to meet his constituents, successively, at all the important points of the State, from the mountains to the sea-board. His opponents, and particularly Chamberlain, were invited to meet him at all these places, with an assurance of protection and safe conduct. These appointments left but few intervals for "rest days," through the whole campaign, and, what is very remarkable, he never failed to be present, and, personally, to address his fellow-citizens. The very elements seemed to favor him, for no occasion was marred by foul weather, and all the rains occurred in the intervals of his appointments. Within sight of those everlasting hills, which look down upon the memorable battlefields of "Cow-pens " and "King's Mountain," he first raised his clarion voice for Redemption and Home Rule. An enthusiasm was at once enkindled, which drew out unprecedented crowds to his first appointment. It was feared that this unanimity would be confined to that section of the State—always Democratic, and, comparatively exempt from the heel of the oppressor. But as Hampton approached the middle country, the crowds became even greater, and the enthusiasm almost reached delirium. Each county had one or more of its " Hampton's Days," and each of these "days" vied with its predecessor, not only in numbers, but in decorations and pageantry. There was one potent influence in inspiring and urging forward this wild excitement and jubilant greeting, which Hampton never failed to acknowledge publicly, and with choking gratitude,—and that was the ivomen of the State! They prepared the way for him, wherever he went, for he found them everywhere the same. However gloomy and despondent their husbands and brothers may have become, they had never "despaired of the Republic," but were as unyielding and defiant, even in the darkest days of oppression, as when the Confederate flag waved over Fort Sumter, or on the hill-tops of Bull Run. The candid historian must record, that if it had not been for the women of the State, her early redemption from Radical rule would have been impossible, for Hampton himself has said as much. It was the privilege of the writer to attend several of these "ovations" and he can assert that nothing like them had ever been witnessed in this State, even in her palmiest days. Before the war, she had always been so unanimous in Federal politics, that political campaigns were comparatively unknown, and no mere local contest had ever so stirred the public heart. But where was Chamberlain all this while? Invitation after invitation had appeared in the papers, calling upon him to meet Hampton at some of these places most convenient to him, but he clung to his Executive hole in Columbia, sending forth his meshes, spider-like, all over the State, to entrap a hated people. To thwart the growing enthusiasm, he naturally looked to the bayonet, which had placed him where he was, and still retained him there. He was most ardently desirous to have martial law proclaimed, but that was in the power of the President, and from the course of the Federal canvass, then going on, the President himself would have to plead a strong case. To force some such emergency, his counsellors inaugurated the "strike "among the half civilized blacks of the low country rice-fields, but under the "Peace Policy," inculcated by Hampton, all these efforts failed. The only effect was to damage a few individuals, and to bring down untold want and suffering on these deluded creatures themselves. He next thought of striking at the "chivalry" of the State, by calling for the disbanding and disarming of all the rifle clubs, and volunteer military orgniza-tions throught the State. By specious representations made to Washington, he did induce the President to issue a Proclamation to that effect. It so happened that the writer was present when this was first announced to Hampton, which was on the great "Hampton Day," at Sumter C. H. The speaking was all over, and the General was quietly dining with a private party, at a friend's house. Sitting nearest his hostess, he was interrupted in the midst of a remark to her by the "telegraph boy," handing him a dispatch, with the request that he would read it at once. He did so, and quietly folding the note, he finished the remark he was making to Mrs. F., and no one would or did suppose, from his manner, that there was anything of importance in its contents. But when Col. Haskel requested him to throw it across the table, one glance from him brought out the exclamation: " Here it is, true enough! The President has disbanded all the white companies, and threatens us with martial law!" The countenances around the table wore very different expressions from Hampton's schooled features, and we could not but admire that Roman self-control so often manifested lately. By his advice, which was as effective as a ukase from the Court of St. Petersburg, among the Russians, this order from Washington was promptly obeyed, and fully carried out, and Mr. Chamberlain was again checkmated. It was an anomaly to see a late dashing "Lieutenant-General of Cavalry" so suddenly and so sternly acting the apostle of William Penn, in his peace policy; but South Carolina, at that time, witnessed that metamorphosis. And she, today, rejoices in a victory, unequalled in her annals, achieved by legal methods alone, and by tactics unqualifiedly Quaker. The truth is, there was not then, nor had there ever been in South Carolina, any one man who could have carried out that policy but General Hampton himself. Even John C. Calhoun would have signally failedi Hampton's war record had caused him to be regard as the personification of the chivalry and manhood of the State, and when he counselled yielding even General Gary had to subside. |
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