The Life and Times of
William Lowndes

South Carolina

By Harriett H. Ravenel, 1901 
To the memory of my mother, Rebecca Motte Rutledge, only Daughter of William Lowndes
In accordance with whose earnest wish this book has been compiled it is affectionately dedicated

Chapter Ten
NOMINATION FOR PRESIDENT:  DEATH 1822

It would hardly be supposed from the quiet tone of these letters that the highest prize in the country had been at this moment set before Mr. Lowndes's eyes; yet so it was, for on December 18, 1821, the legislature of his native State had nominated him for President of the United States. The preamble and resolutions read curiously now:

" At a public meeting of the members of both branches of the Legislature of the State of South Carolina, held on the evening of the 18th of December, 1821, at the Hall of the House of Representatives in Columbia, Colonel Samuel Warren of Pendleton having been called to the chair, the following Preamble and Resolutions were adopted:

" Whereas, the next Presidential Election, however distant, is becoming an object of interest throughout the United States; and whereas it is apprehended that in selecting an individual worthy of this distinguished honour, serious differences may arise, involving sectional divisions of alarming magnitude, a consequence, the bare apprehension of which obviously enforces the expediency of the people of this Union turning their eyes upon some individual who shall unite the confidence, respect and esteem of the North and West, the East and the South; who, remote from any connection with a cabinet succession, shall be brought forth truly, strongly, and indubitably as the ffational candidate.

" Be it Resolved, that it is the sense of this meeting, under the existing state of public opinion in reference to our next President, that no individual in the Union unites more entirely the qualifications for this Station, with the prospect of success, if the Election be left entirely with the people, than our distinguished fellow-citizen, William Lowndes," etc.

These, and succeeding resolutions to the same effect, were forwarded to him in Washington, with the following letter from the gentleman who was to be his successor in Congress, and a popular leader of the State's Rights party of South Carolina in the troublous times that were to come in 1832, James Hamilton, Jr.:

Charleston, January 1st:
My dear Sir, — If we could as easily make you our next President as we passed the foregoing resolutions, I do not know that the State of South Carolina could possibly make the Nation a more beneficial New Year's present.

Of this you may be assured, that although there was a serious opposition to a caucus nomination, yet as far as you were personally concerned more than three fourths of the State are decidedly in your favor, in preference to any other individual whatsoever.

I have put Mr. Poinsett [formerly Minister to Mexico, then M. C. from South Carolina] in possession of the facts connected with the whole transaction, to whom I beg to refer you. All we have to ask of you is, not to go abroad, and not to concede your pretensions  to any individual in the Country.    I remain, My dear sir, Yours most truly and respectfully, J. Hamilton, Jb. Hon. Wm. Lowndes.

The especial meaning of this letter, and particularly of the phrase, " do not concede your pretensions to any individual in the Country," was that Mr. Calhoun had been nominated for the presidency by the State of Pennsylvania. Were the two Carolinians to be pitted against each other ? and what effect would such rivalry have upon their chances and upon their friendship ? Fate stepped in and settled the first question; no active rivalry was to be theirs. And for the second, it is evident that the two men took the situation in the highhearted, honorable fashion that might have been expected of them.

Mr. Lowndes was completely surprised, and unwilling to stand in opposition to his friend. He also greatly disliked a " caucus " nomination, and said so plainly. He was assured that the primary motion had been confirmed by all but a very small minority of the legislature, but it was still distasteful to him. The only letter now extant from Mr. Lowndes on this subject is dated December 29th, three days before the one from Mr. Hamilton given above. They must have crossed on the road, and it is evident that there must have been a previous, probably informal, letter from Major Hamilton, since Mr. Lowndes refers to " your letter from Columbia." That not being now within reach, the second has been given to open the subject. Mr. Lowndes says:

Washington, December 29th, 1821
To Major Jas. Hamilton
You do not expect a formal answer to your letter which you did me the favor to write from Columbia, but a frank avowal of my opinion and feelings. There are few men who are not gratified by the public approbation of their conduct. But it is, after all, the favor of our own State which comes most home to our feelings. I am as grateful as any man can be for the good opinion which the members of the Legislature at Columbia have expressed of me. On the question on the course I mean to pursue, I do not see that I can deviate from that which I have pursued hitherto. I have taken no step, and never shall, to draw the public eye on me, as a competitor for the high office of which you speak.

I have no reason to think that there is any wish outside of our own State to raise me to it, nor did I know until yesterday, when I received your letter, that there was such a wish in the State except upon the part of two or three personal friends.

However this may be, the Presidency is not an office to be either solicited or declined. I have, however (and I express it freely), great [apprehension] as to the effect which the step which has been taken may have upon the reputation of the State.

South Carolina has no trait more admirable than her disinterestedness. She has always treated the men whom she has selected for public office with a liberal confidence, but she has never overrated their claims to the honours of the General Government, nor been disposed to press them upon a reluctant or less partial community.

I should feel regret more painful than any personal mortification if my name should be connected with any imputation upon the State to which I belong.

My opinion on what is past it would perhaps be improper for me to give, but let me state one view which belongs to the future.

I understand from Mr. Calhoun that he has already written to several friends that he has found himself obliged by a state of things which left him no alternative, that he should consent to be held up for the Presidency (A, note). They believe that there is a disposition in many of the States to support him, and I am quite sure that if he were supported by a sufficient influence in the other States, and the voice of South Carolina were all that was wanting to give him the Presidency, it would be given cheerfully and proudly.

Yet it may happen that the nomination which has been made may lead to the impression out of Carolina that he would not receiva the support of his own State under such circumstances. For the interest of the Country and the character of the State let me hope that this impression may not prevail, or that means may be found to remove it.

If Mr. Calhoun should have sufficient grounds to calculate upon such a number of States as would make a majority with the aid of South Carolina, I hope and believe that she would zealously support him.

I should have delayed writing until I had received the fuller account of the transaction at Columbia, which you promised on your return to Charleston [probably the letter already given], but I wished to lose no time in making the suggestions which I have just taken the liberty to offer. I am not surprised at the conduct of Mr. Calhoun's friends.    I know him and estimate him too well to be mortified by any preference which they may express for him.

I am, my dear sir, with great respect, Yours sincerely, William Lowndes.

Note A. He (Calhoun) had not done to until he found that his name was being improperly associated with Mr. Adams's. This communication he had made to me with his characteristic frankness some days before I received your letter, and I had answered him without hesitation that equally from public and private motives I should greatly prefer his election to that of any of his competitors for the office. The friends whom he has consulted think it impossible that he should now retract what he has done. Immediately upon receiving yonr letter I communicated its contents to Galhoun. Our conversation you will readily suppose to have been without reserve. He has seen the letter which I now write you but he wishes that the part which refers to him should not be allowed to get into the public prints. I have the same wish as to the other parts of the letter, and 1 think that your judgment and feelings must concur with mine. I must rest, however, on yours, not on mine.

To this, and probably to other letters,—for some of the expressions quoted do not appear above, — Major Hamilton answered a week later.

Charleston, January 9th, 1822
We regret as much as you can any apparent conflict between your interests and those of Mr. Calhoun, but we are not prepared to say or think that your claims ought to be so " conclusively postponed " to favour the promotion of Mr. Calhoun's as at once to " give them the go-by," and in effect to say that we have committed a fatal error in holding you up, and that we do accordingly ask leave to amend the manifesto by substituting the name of Mr. Calhoun. . . . Now I believe the fact to be that Carolina will be more than satisfied, she will be proud and delighted should either you or Mr. Calhoun be ultimately the man. Each of you separately would have her undivided support; bothof you candidates, she must be divided. We trust this consequence may be averted. We agree with you most fully that the office of " the Presidency is neither to be solicited nor declined." We know that you have not solicited it, and we see as yet no reason why your friends should decline it for you.

Major Hamilton goes on at great length to point out to Mr. Lowndes that the claims of Mr. Calhoun had been warmly advocated in the meeting at Columbia, but that the preference of the State was decidedly for him. " The most influential members from the interior and middle country were with you. The middle districts, northeastern, southern, and southeastern parts of the State were unanimously your friends; the country was divided between Broad River and Pendleton [the district which Mr. Calhoun had represented in Congress and where his home, Fort Hill, was situated]. ... In Charleston it is not necessary for me to tell you how strong you are," etc. " In the existing state of things, I do not know that your friends here can practice a better lesson than to be patient and moderate, when we see you yourself afford us so good an example in these particulars," etc.

There are several other letters, from Major Hamilton, Judge Huger, Colonel William Drayton, etc., all pointing out the impropriety of South Carolina withdrawing or changing her candidate until the will of the Democratic party shall have made itself clearly understood, when, if the nominee of Pennsylvania be preferred, she will " cheerfully and proudly support him."

It is hard now to believe that there was a time when South Carolina preferred any one to Calhoun.

Ten years later there could have been no " division " when he was concerned.

Two personal anecdotes are remembered by the writer on the subject, — the one told by her father: that returning as a young midshipman from a cruise, and asking information about current affairs, he was told of the candidates, " that Mr. Lowndes had most of the State, but Mr. Calhoun had Pendleton district and Mr. William Lowndes."

The other, that people in Washington were amused and surprised to see that the daily walk which the two nominees had long been accustomed to take together, to and from the Capitol, continued as usual, not the slightest difference having been caused by the new state of affairs. In one of Mr. Hamilton's later letters he begs Mr. Lowndes not to show his letters to Mr. Calhoun's supporters.

The only mention of the affair in the letters to Mrs. Lowndes is a fragment preserved by Mr. Chase from Mr. Grayson.

Washington, January 6th, 1822
 You have heard of the caucus nomination in Columbia. I hope you have not set your mind too strongly on being President's lady. While you wish only a larger fence for the poultry yard, and a pond for the ducks I may be able to gratify you, but this business of making a President, either of myself or another, I have no cunning at. We live in a terrible confusion. I thought when I came here the question was a fact confined to two persons, Mr. Crawford and Mr. Adams. Now, we have all the Secretaries, and at least two who are not to be named. As to the answer which I have given to the notification, here it is: "I have taken no step, and never shall, to draw public attention on me as a candidate for the Presidency.    It is not in my opinion an office to be either solicited or declined."     
                                                                                
The allusion to " all the Secretaries " bears upon a note made in his note-book some time before,   early in Mr. Monroe's administration.           

                                    
For many years the succession to the Presidency had passed to a member of the Cabinet; it was almost a dynasty, and was recognized as such. Mr. Lowndes writes (apparently in 1819 or 1820) in his note-book: "I remember Forsyth's telling me, speaking as if he personally knew it, that Mr. Monroe would have been quite willing to make Crawford Secretary of State if Clay had been willing. The difficulty was to give no decided advantage to either Clay or Crawford as competitors for the Presidency. The expedient employed was to make Adams Secretary of State, because, as Mr. Monroe said, ' it was impossible he should ever be President.' I confess I do not see exactly the impossibility."

Of course Adams was the next President.

Would the result have been different had Mr. Lowndes lived? It is impossible to say. His course on the Missouri bill and on the tariff had clearly shown the absolute justice and impartiality of his nature, and had shown also that he labored for that ideal republic which was constantly in his thoughts. By the commercial classes everywhere, and by those few in every community who took thought, as he did, for " the character of the country," he was most highly esteemed; nevertheless the spirit of section had already arisen, and that demon is hard to lay. Before the election came he was sleeping " in the vast ocean deserts of the North." After his death his success was spoken of as having been certain, but it was after his death. Carolina was not to be gratified by the election of either of her distinguished sons, and the succession went, yet once more, to the th during the summer. His health declined steadily and he resigned his seat in Congress. His wife, as often happens to the nearest, did not at all realize how ill he was. He had so often recovered from illness that she expected recovery again. His family were clearer sighted, yet neither he nor they were without hope. Before leaving home he commended his wife and children to the kindness of his eldest brother, Thomas, and told him that he would do everything possible for the recovery of his health, and be satisfied with whatever the Supreme Wisdom might ordain.

The affection of his family never failed him. There is a letter from his sister, Mrs. Simmons (a childless widow), telling him that she fears that his plans may be interfered with by want of money, and that she has just received a large legacy from her eldest sister, Mrs. Champneys, which she entreats him to accept of, hoping " you won't be so unkind as to refuse to take it for the recovery of your health which is so precious to me."

The resolution to undertake the European voyage must have been hastily adopted. The only letter regarding it is a short note from Philadelphia, from Mrs. Lowndes to her father, saying that" the doctor assures me that my husband's lungs are perfectly sound, and the whole trouble is in the liver." They were to sail immediately in the ship Moss; Mr. Cheves had made all the pecuniary arrangements, and would take charge of Pinckney.    In the ship Moss they accordingly set sail from Philadelphia on Monday, the 21st of October, 1822. They had with them their little daughter, twelve years old, and their faithful servant Amy. Two kind friends, Mr. and Mrs. Connell, of Philadelphia, were also on board. For the first few days Mr. Lowndes appeared somewhat improved, but the weather became stormy and he was exhausted. On Friday Mr. Connell thought his condition alarming, and on Sunday morning, October 27th, he breathed his last.

Mr. Connell, writing to a friend in "Washington, says: " No preparation having been made to preserve his body, it became necessary to commit it to the ocean. We preserved it, however, until Monday afternoon, when the writer hereof assembled the passengers and crew and read over his remains the funeral service of the Episcopal church before we committed his body to the deep. Mrs. Lowndes and her daughter were in their stateroom, and I believe they were not aware for some days of his body having been buried in the ocean, as we thought it too trying a scene for her to witness."

The last sentence is partly incorrect. Mrs. Lowndes, through (said her daughter) a mistaken kindness, was left in ignorance of the precise moment of the burial; but she knew that it must be. Suddenly they heard a plunge, the dread sullen sound that comes when the" heavy shotted hammock shroud Drops in its vast and wandering grave."

To her dying day — and she lived to be eighty — Mrs. Rutledge recalled with awe that solemn sound, and the scream of her mother who instantly recognized its import.

So ended, at the age of forty, all that was mortal of this noble statesman and pure patriot. His life seems inconclusive, and yet the broken column has beauty of its own.

On reaching England, Mrs. Lowndes, in pursuance of the original plan, crossed immediately to France, where were friends prepared to receive her. Her old Washington friends, M. and Madame Hyde de Neuville, insisted on her sharing their "apartment" until she could make her own arrangements. From her cousin, Mr. Pinckney Horry, who had married and lived in France, and from his wife (Mademoiselle de la Faye de la Tour Maubourg) she received the greatest kindness and attention, and also from other Americans then resident in Paris. General and Madame de Lafayette, old friends of her father's, were especially devoted to her. The general wrote to Colonel F. K. Huger, his friend of Olmutz:

Paris, April 28th, 1823
My dear Friend — This letter will be safely conveyed, as I intrust it to the care of your amiable and most unhappy sister, whose inexpressible grief may be somewhat softened by friendly sympathies, but is out of the reach of argument, since the loss is both immense and irreparable.

She feels in a manner alarming for her health; it is become impossible for her to remain longer at a distance from her country and family. I am much comforted to think she has a female companion, Mrs. Connell, who has witnessed the cruel scenes, and lived with her in this city. Her sensible and affectionate daughter will at once occupy her thoughts and afford a consolation. But I have rarely seen misery and sorrow so deep and so well justified. . . . God bless you, my dear Huger, so say my whole family. Remember me  respectfully and affectionately to Mrs. Huger tod family, and believe me forever your most tender and grateful friend.......Lafayette.

To America, accordingly, Mrs. Lowndes returned as soon as it suited the Connells to do so; returned to take up the burden of a saddened and anxious life, of the guardianship of children, and of the management of a considerable but embarrassed estate,  all of which burdens she bore, and duties she performed, with courage and good sense, during thirty-five years of widowhood, dying in 1857, aged seventy-seven.

Mr. Lowndes left three children. Of these the eldest, Rawlins, always an invalid, married Miss Hornby, and died early without issue. The second, Thomas Pinckney, married Miss Margaret Washington, granddaughter of Colonel William Washington, of Revoluntionary fame, died early leaving three children; of whom one son, Thomas Pinckney, alone survives. He married Miss Anne Branford Frost, daughter of the Honorable Edward Frost, and has several children.
The eldest son bears his grandfather's name. Mr. Lowndes's daughter, Rebecca Motte, married Commander Edward Cotesworth Kutledge, U. S. N., grandson of Governor John Butledge, and died at the age of eighty-two, leaving one daughter only.

The writer is so painfully conscious of the inadequacy of the picture of Mr. Lowndes which she presents that she is glad to call to her aid those remarks of his contemporaries which show the impression made by him upon the minds of the men who knew him best. When the news of his death reached Washington, Congress was in session. Major Hamilton, Mr. Lowndes's successor in the House, rose and delivered a fervent panegyric upon his predecessor. Major Hamilton, however, spoke as a Carolinian and a personal friend; therefore one remark alone is quoted here: 

He had less self-love and more self-denial than any man I ever knew."


But Mr. Taylor, of New York, had been Mr. Lowndes's chief antagonist in the first debate on Missouri, and his competitor for the speaker-ship, yet he spoke with generous warmth: 

(This is) " the greatest bereavement in the loss of a citizen which has befallen the Union since I have held a seat in its councils. The highest and best hopes of this country looked to William Lowndes for their fulfillment The most honorable office in the civilized world — the Chief Magistraey of this free people — would have been illustrated by his virtues and talents. During nine years service in this House it was my happiness to be associated with him on many of his most important committees. He never failed to shed new light on all subjects to which he applied his vigorous and discriminating mind. His industry in discharging the arduous and responsible duties constantly assigned him was persevering and efficient To manners the most unassuming, to patriotism the most disinterested, to morals the most pure, to attainments of the first rank in literature and science, he added the virtues of decision and prudence so happily combined, so harmoniously united, that we know not which most to admire, the firmness with which he pursued his purpose, or the gentleness with which he disarmed opposition. His arguments were made, not for victory, but to convince the judgment of his hearers."



Mr. Archer, of Virginia, said in a long speech proposing that the House should wear mourning for a month, an unusual proceeding for one not actually a member," Panegyric on this occasion was rendered unnecessary by the settled feeling and opinion of this country in relation to Mr. Lowndes. . . . He was already ranked with the eminent names which had passed by and been consecrated to national respect. He was already ranked as a man superior in worth as he was in mind, — as one of the purest and ablest, and most faithful of the statesmen who might claim from our country the meed of honor." Mr. Clay wrote to Mr. Cheves:

Washington, 24th January, 1823
. . . Poor Lowndes. How shall I speak to you of a friend whom we both so highly esteemed, and whose worth we knew so well. Although I was prepared by the knowledge which I possessed of the declining state of his health for the afflicting intelligence which we have just received, I heard the sad event with as much painful sensibility as if I had been unapprised of his previous illness. To have died at the moment when his great capacity for public usefulness was most mature and in full vigor; when his country had such high hopes and expectations of him ; when, if he had not been utterly devoid of all visions of ambition, he might himself have cherished the loftiest expectations; and when, too, he was far removed from all his friends and from his native land, was a rare calamity, which has justly excited undissembled and universal regret.

You, my dear sir, who had the happiness to know him so much longer than I did, must want, instead of being capable of communicating, consolation on this melancholy occasion.

With great regard,
I am faithfully yours,
Langdon Cheves, Esqr., Philadelphia

The newspapers from every part of the country were filled with eulogies. In Charleston a public meeting was called at which Mr. Stephen Elliott, the author of " Elliott's Botany" and a graceful writer and speaker, was appointed to deliver a biographical " funeral eulogium to be pronounced at a public meeting of the citizens." Mr. Elliott accepted the appointment, but unfortunately postponed the preparation of the discourse until himself overtaken by death. Nor was this a transient opinion excited by the emotion of the day. Years afterwards, Mr. Wise, of Georgia, Mr. Benton, of Missouri, Mr. (afterwards President) Van Buren, of New York, recorded their admiration, Mr. Benton declaring him to be the brightest of the galaxy " which Carolina had sent to the Twelfth Congress.

Mr. Todd, of Pennsylvania, replying to Major Hamilton on a bill laying duty on imports, says:

" On the memory of Mr. Lowndes I could go in the way of encomium perhaps farther than the gentleman from South Carolina. I have frequently heard him in this House — I have known him out of it. I speak not for the purpose of presenting any contrast, but give my opinion, often declared in the hearing of some who now hear me, that Mr. Lowndes was a statesman who has not left his superior in the nation, nor scarcely his equal. Everyone who remembers Mr. Lowndes remembers that with talents almost beyond the lot of mortality, and seeing nothing about him but respect and veneration, yet a man more unassuming never entered this House. There was nothing pompous in him, no blustering, no rant. Of one thing only did he appear ignorant — the magnitude of his own powers."

Towards the close of his life Mr. Clay told Colonel John Lee, of Maryland, that among the many men he had known he found it difficult to decide who was the greatest, but added," I think the wisest man I ever knew was William Lowndes;" and Mr. Cheves, in a conversation with the Eeverend Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, late rector of Grace Church, Charleston, lately published in "Lippincott's Magazine," but prepared for the press many years since, said," Mr. Calhoun is far more brilliant, and his mind more keen and rapid; he is a man of genius, and has the temptation of such men to leap to conclusions boldly, perhaps too hastily. But in ~ the power of looking at a subject calmly, dispassionately, in every light, Mr. Lowndes had no superior. I should have preferred his judgment to that of any other man, and such I think was the feeling of their contemporaries. I will illustrate my view. If the nation were in great peril, and Mr. Lowndes recommended one policy and Mr. Calhoun an opposite one, I think that a majority of the American people would have said, ' Intrust the country to the guidance of William Lowndes, follow his counsel;' and in my judgment they would have done wisely."      
                                             
The venerable Mr. Alfred Huger, of Charleston a man of great talent, but who never entered public life, wrote in 1859:  I have read with great attention the speech of Mr. Lowndes on the tariff bill of 1820, and I remember very well the impression made upon the public mind when it was delivered. It was the habit of that profound thinker to exhaust both sides of the subject under discussion; and thus when he presented the two aspects to his audience as clear as light could make them, the House generally received their views of negative and affirmative from, the same source. I have known him pursue this course in conversation. On one occasion, after hearing Mr. Lowndes state the argument of his adversary, Mr. Randolph exclaimed,  "He has done that once too often; he can never answer that'   But the Virginian was mistaken; he did answer himself, and so the House decided. I was permitted to hear him converse with Judge Huger, and to this day that unbroken chain of irresistible logic is before me. He dealt less in abstractions than Mr. Calhoun, and was more concise than Mr. Cheves, and accordingly he was more easily comprehended by men of ordinary comprehension. Every word was a thought and every thought was material for an essay. Fifty years ago I heard him use expressions that are now fresh in my memory. Judge Huger used to say, 'Lowndes's wisdom keeps his genius in check.' ... I sometimes, now that I am nearing the end of my pilgrimage, turn to the men of that day to whom it was at times my good fortune to listen.

He has left a deeper mark upon me than the others. There was a singleness in his character and a chastity in his intentions which politicians find cumbersome but which statesmen will venerate for all future time, and like a great intellectual conclusion he is to this day the very highest authority with virtuous men."

Enough, perhaps more than enough, has now been said and the writer has naught to add, except the hope that the student of American history, the youth preparing to take his part in the government of the country, may pause for a moment to consider the influence and honor that came to this man who did much and asked nothing. It was said of him that he had " no vision of ambition." None for himself, in truth, but all men knew that for his country his ambition was high and great as Washington's had been. For her he coveted the praise, and name, and honor which meaner men seek for themselves ; and so men gave them to him freely, good measure running over.

And fate was kindest to him of all; for when he died he knew that by the war, which he had helped to create, the Repablic was strong and respected abroad ; and he thought, moreover, that within her borders peace and harmony had come to her, somewhat by his labors. And so, while happy in this thought, " God's finger touched him — and he slept."

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