The Township System

The reader will easily infer that districts and their boundaries and changes, the very numerous officers required for the whole of them and the great difficulty in finding, at least securing the election of, men who would and could transact all their affairs faithfully, would lead one to think out some better plan. Accordingly, I proceeded in the circular to set forth in fair outline and detail the proposed township system for schools. The reader of this is asked to read that circular, as printed herewith. He will thus see that more than a year before the bill for the township system was presented to the legislature of 1883, the system was clearly and fully set forth by this circular, as it was in addresses, letters and hundreds of conversations, beginning with Governor Howard. When the legislature met in January, 1883. the draft of the bill was but fairly begun and it required many hours of labor daily to complete it in all its parts including the bond law, which followed the previous legislation in the limitations upon amount for each school house.

The hill was most carefully prepared and was very specific and definite in every feature, and left nothing unprovided for. Members of the council and house were consulted as opportunity offered, and the character and purport of the bill were well known to all, especially to the committee on education in each body. There was no lobbying for the bill by myself or any other person. It was printed in full and laid before every member. It took its regular course, was referred to committees and reported favorably So it passed both houses and was approved by the governor. There never was more fair and full notice given of proposed legislation, and it was the most valuable legislation ever enacted in Dakota for the benefit of schools.

There were two or three typographical errors in the enrolled bill. These errors were in the printed copies supplied to the legislature. From its considerable length one of these was used for the enrolled bill. In one section it required that not less than two members of the township board (of three) should be present at a regular or railed meeting to constitute a quorum and transact business. That word was printed "ten" instead of two. Later, when a few people desired to oppose the system, that error was used as a big stick, though other parts of the law showed that two  was the intended number.

Another unfortunate thing was that representatives from a few counties decided that as districts were then fully established in their counties it was best to except them from the operation of the law. Then others followed, till fifteen of the older counties were thus excepted. Then an additional series of sections was necessary to provide for these, but all the general features of the law, including those concerning finance, reports, teachers' contracts, the ending of the school year with June 30th, and many others, were applied alike to districts and townships. All these provisions were necessary and most useful. In all the remainder of the counties the full act went into effect in due time. They were divided into school townships, usually corresponding to the land townships. Here was a permanent school corporation, with boundaries that need require no change; the hoards were all to be chosen at a public election by ballot. School houses were to be located by these boards under strict rules, and could not be nearer than one mile to a township boundary or nearer than two miles to any other school house. All persons could select the school under reasonable conditions to which they preferred to send the children in their charge. This law provided the very beginning of the idea of concentrating or consolidating schools. It provided for graded schools and the single township, or two or more acting together, could establish a high school or more advanced graded school. And such schools were established, to the credit and advantage of communities. It provided for the concentration of older and more advanced pupils from several into one school, when the house might have two school rooms instead of one; and such concentration was done. There ought to be people living who attended some of these graded schools. On the prairies of Brown county the boys and girls who were older would ride on horseback or drive several miles to such a school, where they had a shed in which their horses were cared for till they went galloping home again. The De Smet graded school was long used for the entire school township. There were other examples here and there in the territory of some form of gradation and concentration. And there would have been many more had the system been continued. Some people may suppose that this law is wholly gone. I beg such to read over the act of March 8, 1883, and then look first at all previous school legislation, and then turn to all subsequent school legislation and see how many improvements that act introduced that have been used ever since. And they will not find these provisions in the laws of any other state from which they could be drawn. Of course the organization of the state and its constitution brought other duties and required certain provisions of law to conform to them. We have had several since statehood, some good and others lacking symmetry and soon abandoned. The last is the best. Of course those matters that depend on statehood are necessarily new or different, for the state and county officers are supplied by the constitution. There arc now many state educational institutions, and their graduates are provided for, while the whole matter of the examination and grading of teachers has advanced in standard, except the third grade or "permit," which is about the same, except as county superintendents here and there try to practically dispense with it, to their high credit. But look at the scores of other provisions that were continued from that law of 1883. In many respects the law of 1883 was a permanent reform.

The capital was removed to Bismarck in 1883, and Governor Pierce had come into office about the same time. The governor went generally with this movement. There was no quarrel with him because he directed his course in harmony with the new regime, and especially with the majority of the council, which included J. H. Westover, president, John R. Gamble, A. Sheridan Jones, B. R. Wagner, R. F. Pettigrew, Geo. H. Walsh, Judson La Moure and others, who, by agreement or compulsion, acted with them. Since the rapid growth of the territory demanded a new edition of the school law, I most carefully went over it all and corrected the errors referred to, and made a few modifications that would add to convenience and had it introduced. Meanwhile affairs were being arranged and Governor Pierce told me toward the close of the session that he could not reappoint me. The leaders of the council had decided upon this, but bad not yet agreed upon their candidate. Hon. John R. Gamble was an able and influential member and was not originally opposed to me. So to bring him into agreement they fixed upon Dr. Joseph Ward of Yankton for superintendent, and the governor nominated him, but he refused to consent. I wrote and telegraphed my urgent appeal and offer of all possible aid, but he had other aims and positively declined. Finally these gentlemen agreed upon Hon. A. Sheridan Jones of Hutchinson county, and the governor sent in his name and he was immediately confirmed. Not for any personal reason, but solely because, with thousands of others throughout the territory, I did not approve his ideas and policies concerning public education and the school system. I criticise his policy.

Immediately upon assuming the office, some time in April, 1885, he began an active warfare upon the township system. He had been and continued to be the editor of a newspaper at Menno in his county, and he later established a monthly school journal, and in both of these held up the township system as the enemy of the rights, liberties and privileges of the people, and in his two years of service lent the influence of his high office to the deprecation of the system as an evil not to be endured longer, if it could be disposed of. Superintendent Jones was a man esteemed by his neighbors, honest and earnest, and an honorable citizen of high moral character. It seems, therefore, that he was sincere in his purpose to change the system then in good working order in a  large part of the territory. It could not he expected, however, that, even if zealous for popular education, he would seek to perfect the administration of this law and advance its usefulness and popularity. His influence was to the contrary in large measure. Very naturally he would find faults, if any occurred from whatever cause. Then the county superintendents were very generally new in their office and experience and, like many in any similar place, not disposed to sit down to a careful and thorough study of any law or system. Like Mr. Jones, they would often see difficulties and charge these to the system instead of its misapplication, and not suppose that any troubles would arise under any other system, or had existed under the district system to a much greater extent. The legislature had not even corrected the two or three typographical errors in the law.

Thus it came about, unfortunately, that the movement was against the law and system. Yet in reading Superintendent Jones' report, printed in 1887. it is singular how few of the superintendents he is able to quote against it. If Superintendent Foley of Stutsman county finds fault, it is because the school townships were created too large. It was a large county, and they made the townships greater in area than a land township, but the district system was not, therefore, the only or the best cure. However, Superintendent Jones calls both systems "imperfect and unsatisfactory." In the end he drew a bill for a new act that called all rural school corporations "districts," whether they were large enough for many schools or for but a single one. He also provided for fixed lines of subdivision between the schools in a township if the people so desired. The result is, I believe, that we have full township districts under one, board, sub-districts in townships, and the regular single districts. Much that was best in the previous statute was continued.

Superintendent Jones was succeeded at the end of two years by Superintendent F. A. Dye, a man of large and varied experience as a teacher and county superintendent, one who had tried the township system and found it advantageous and useful. In these respects he was a decided improvement upon Superintendent Jones, whose experience as a teacher had been mainly confined to penmanship and bookkeeping in commercial schools. The other members of the territorial board of education with Superintendent Dye were Superintendent Geo. A. McFarland, who has since served with great success as president of the Valley City, North Dakota, state normal, which he has made one of the best of all the state normals in the northwest, and Superintendent Frank A. Wilson, also a very capable man. These men composed a scholarly and able board of experienced educators and teachers, and although the times were not so prosperous nor the conditions so favorable, they made a decidedly favorable advance in the work, as their reports show. They say: "We believe in the township system of schools. We have seen both in operation, side by side, and have been brought into contact with both in our official capacity." Such was the opinion of experienced educators generally in the territory in 1884-8 who had such experience. The opposition to the township system was strong in the district counties. It was the representatives from the old and strong counties along the south and east edges of the territory who destroyed it. Their people were taught to fear it like a calamity. The people of great counties like Brown, Spink, Beadle, Clark, Kingsbury and many others north and south, who actually worked under that system, as Messrs. Dye and McFarland had done, had no such fears, but saw its conveniences, facilities and advantages. AH those counties escaped the troubles of district creation, subdivision, rearrangement and other complications that more or less filled the period from 1864 to 1883, and still leaves the districts to more or less change upon which contests arise and appeals are taken to the county commissioners. Superintendent Dye and the gentlemen associated with him on the board say among other things in their report for 1888, page 39: "We find ourselves possessed of two systems. One should he abandoned at once. Seventy-six counties under one and fifteen under the other. It is not just to ask the seventy-six to yield to the fifteen. We believe the time has come for the legislature to extend the township system over the other fifteen counties, and if the coming legislature can pass but one act affecting education, we hope it will be this one. It is our duty to education and to those who shall come after us, to have a uniform school system."  "The wise thing to do is to secure one system and then let all the people, no matter under what system   now, bend their energies to developing a school system for Dakota."  "We most earnestly urge the legislature to extend the township system over the entire territory and to authorize a school law commission whose duty it shall be to consider the amendments needed to the law as it now exists, and to report the same within one year." The board urged that this commision he in part made up of members chosen by the educational associations of North Dakota and South Dakota, acquainted With educational theories, history and present needs.

That recommendation is now timely and would be most useful, though our school laws are now in better shape than in 1888. We name commissions to codify all other laws. In any other department the people of the state would not endure such a condition. The legislature alone has power to meet the need. Composed in part at least of attorneys, it sees other legal needs, but very few members study educational conditions or even read such reports as that from which we have quoted. They have not time during a session to frame a full and comprehensive code, and they lack time to consider fully one that may be presented. To make an historic and legal study of this subject, such as the two commissions have given to our codes, requires a similar hoard composed in part of experienced educators but in part also of capable men from other lines. The legislature will then be informed and will candidly, honorably and efficiently deal with the problem.

This is not the kind of a paper in which to deal fully with this issue. The state will some time, and before a great many years, have the uniform township system. They will not go back fully to a district system; that is conclusively sure. Gentlemen will say, "Oh! he is defending the past." But in reply we say these same gentlemen will yet favor the township system. Some other may say, "Oh, he is a crank on that subject." The reply is that we will certainly have the township system uniform over South Dakota. "But," they will say, "it is too much trouble to charge to it." The reply is: "It is very little trouble, and you will certainly do it." "We will not have it," may be said. "You will unquestionably desire to have and will surely have it," is the reply; and in like manner the similar answer will be made. I have not the slightest power to compel this; the state will desire it and will surely have it.

There is not a particle of personal feeling about all this. We have no enemies or friends on such issues. It is purely a question of how best we can promote the excellence of the common schools. The gentlemen who have had charge of the state's educational policy since statehood, as well as its legislators, have my high respect. The superintendents have more and more advanced in reforms proposed and the gradation and concentration of schools forecast by the circular of February 15, 1882, have been elaborated and urged. They met obstacles. They could not unite independent districts to this purpose. They failed to point the remedy and prepare a sure method by directly advocating the township system, the basis for these and all other like reforms. They will logically follow up their movement and we shall certainly have some well planned and properly regulated township system. It is not unlikely to be moved for by the remainder of the original fifteen excepted counties. We are all thinking and working and will find the line of least resistance to attain the desired ends. We shall then have our rural graded and even high schools, and the most capable teachers in each. We shall then have our township libraries, and the school system and its pupils will move up higher under the stimulus of our liberal school fund.


Some Miscellaneous Matters

After the close of my superintendence, my only direct relation to education was as a continuing member of the Yankton board of education, though 1 still assisted in some institute work here and there. My business interests had suffered most seriously. In 1889 I was called by the commissioner of Indian affairs and the general superintendent of Indian schools to some service, especially at Harrison Institute, near Salem. Oregon, and went there in February to take the place of the superintendent, who had been dismissed. Remaining there till about August 1st, I had the pleasure of reorganizing that institution in some measure and to recommend some of the improvements since carried out in that school. I can only say that the experience was valuable.

Before this I had been appointed one of the board of visitors of the Madison normal school, and in association with Geo. A. McFarland, Theodore D. Kanouse ,and others helped to make very thorough examination of the school and some reports, but one of which was printed, being in the report of Superintendent Dye for 1888.

One of the most treasured papers I ever received was the resolutions of the Yankton board upon my resignation to accept the Oregon work. I was then president of the board and had been active in the schools and in the erection of the central school building in 1889, the best school building for its cost in the state. At times in the eleven years of membership 1 had been chairman of three committees at one time and regularly of that upon the employment of teachers, which my relations as superintendent aided me in serving usefully. Some superior teachers, with Superintendent A. F. Bartlett, were brought into the schools in  that time. As it was the first full high school, it was also long the best in the territory and state. I visited the schools throughout often and some of the most pleasant and gratifying memories and friendships of my life belong to that period.

At the same time I was a very early member of the corporation of Yankton College, upon which they have done me the honor to retain me till now. It was a great privilege to assist Dr. Joseph Ward and others in the work of building up an institution devoted to thorough liberal learning. Having early become connected with the Yankton Congregational church, Dr. Ward was for some time my pastor. Coming to the presidency of the Madison normal in August, 1889, I retained my membership in the Yankton church because a member of the college corporation, and partly also because it left me more free in the selection of members of the faculty at the normal. Last year, when I retired from the presidency of the normal, I changed by letter to the Presbyterian church of Madison, where, by their comity, there is no Congregational church.

While residing at Yankton, finding the college in need of teachers. I volunteered and heard three classes most of the winter, without pay, but well rewarded by the associations and experience. Fortunately I had in two subjects one of their best senior classes.

When the state normal school was located at Madison the law made the superintendent of public instruction ex officio a member of the hoard, and I served with them when other duties permitted. It became the duty of these members to locate the school by designating one of the tracts offered for a campus. One member favored the one west of town, another the site north of town, and for two or three days I devoted myself to the careful study of the problem. It was as if I alone had been directed to make the selection. I voted for the site on the north edge of the city and have never regretted it. besides which the other two gentlemen have always been among my best friends. We did not quarrel or go to law, but Dr. S. M. Jenks has come to believe that C. B. Kennedy and myself judged wisely. There is no site for public buildings in the state that equals it in natural features or in present beauty of buildings, trees and walks.

The legislature of 1883 provided for opening the state university at Vermillion, and the act made the governor and superintendent ex-officio members of the board of regents. Accordingly early that spring, the board met at Vermillion and organized by naming Governor N. G. Ordway as chairman and myself as secretary; so 1 wrote the opening minutes and they may possibly be in existence. The people of Vermillion and Clay county had voted bonds for a building upon a site which had been donated to the territory, and the building was completed in the spring of 1883. The academic work had been opened October 15, 1882, under Dr. Ephraim Epstein, and I had often visited his classes. Thus a pleasant association was formed with the early life of the university, and it used to be my delight to visit it; while with several professors a long and warm personal friendship was maintained.

While territorial superintendent from 1879 to 1885, the great influx of population occurred. Already familiar with the natural features of nearly every part, I now saw it rapidly covered with settlers, and towns grew where I had passed upon surveying expeditions or had surveyed the land. At this time I was often useful to the railroad managers and engineers in giving information about the country and helping them in the location of their lines. They never gave me a town site. Visiting the counties often, acquaintance was made with great numbers of the people, and in 1885 I probably knew more citizens personally than any other one in the territory, and it seemed to me that nearly every one knew me, wherever I might go. I had spoken to audiences in nearly every town of any consequence, and often before rural meetings. They were in those years a happy, contented and pleasant people, warm in friendship, kindly in greetings and cordial in manner. They struggled under many difficulties, were deprived of just markets for their products, but were brave and cheerful. They felt that they were creating a new commonwealth, in which finally all would be made right. The sun never shone upon a better citizenship than Dakota had in those years. They were open-minded and fair and desired good government. They were better than the ordinary politics. Scheme rather than voluntary popular motive governed most conventions. The sectional divisions led to some of the best specimens of log-rolling and marvels of combination the United States had ever known, all of which tended to strengthen the statehood movement in South Dakota. As things then were, politics was like the flea and the Irishman ; he put his finger upon it and it was not there. Let an example serve, using no names. The convention of the Republicans had met at the appointed place. One wing had made its combinations and felt perfectly secure in its control. This depended upon Cass county, of the north, standing firm with the deal, and that it might so act was a secret. But the leader of the opposition caught onto the plan just as the convention opened. Things were moving right along toward organization and action, when the opposition leader saw the probable failure of his hopes. All depended upon Cass county. Sparring for time, he rose and in solemn tones told the chair that it was a time-honored custom to have prayer offered at the opening of conventions, and moved that a certain minister be requested to perform that office. As the minister passed toward the platform the mover whispered to him to make a long prayer. And he did.

Meanwhile the opposition leader made terms with and secured the support of the Cass county delegation and controlled the convention! Thus at times part of North Dakota or all the Black Hills would turn down one side or the other in the south and convince more people that division was desirable. Similar diversions and conflicts occurred in Democratic conventions, such as that between M; H. Day and Governor Church at Watertown in 1888. The division issue was prominent and its ghost could not be laid.

In the somewhat long period that I had the privilege of serving as superintendent, among the large population that settled on our prairies and in our towns were many good teachers. The population brought as a part of it and as members of families many experienced teachers, some of them well trained in normal schools. These were all very valuable aids toward the establishment of the school system and the opening of schools. Not infrequently some of these were married women who, like the younger ones, gave part of their time to teaching. There were also frequently young or unmarried men who sought fortune in the new land that were superior scholars, if not experienced teachers. Two of these I remember were graduates of Harvard university that settled in Brown county. At that time the school laws granted certificates of very limited duration. The legislatures seemed to be afraid to trust either superintendent or teacher very far or long. The territorial certificate had the longest life, being for two full years! In all that time I never had any blanks printed for these, but would occasionally write one out on a sheet of paper, sign and present it with my compliments to some lady or gentleman that I found deserving, either by work in institutes or in schools. They were rare enough to be highly prized. Still two different county superintendents rather protested that I ought to leave to them the test of all teachers in their respective counties. In both these cases it happened that the qualifications of the teachers were surely good, and I had granted them as the only means by which these persons could be kept in the territory.

Some of these two-year certificates are. I know, still carefully preserved and highly prized as marks of distinguished honor, by the recipients. Most of them are doubtless gone with the waste paper of those times. About 1883 Dr. C. M. Young, now dean of the college of literature and arts in the state university, a graduate of Hiram college, Ohio, came into the territory and was teaching at Tyndall. For him I wrote a certificate in formal phrase and transmuted it to him by mail with my compliments, in a letter. Mr. Young seemed just then to be wondering just what he might do to secure some such general warrant to teach, and it pleases him to this day to recall the fact. There were other and good, probably better, reasons for the continued warm friendship that still exists between us. Frank Crane of Watertown had been a very efficient and successful county superintendent, doing much for the schools in Codington county. Desiring to approve this as well as his high scholarship, I wrote out in the best terms I could command a two-year certificate and transmitted in a letter of formal compliment and courtesy. The last time I was at Pierre, in 1902, he took these from a safety box in the vault in his office and exhibited them with evidences of sincere pride. One each was sent to the two Harvard graduates. Among others I met two young men, born in Iceland, who had but recently graduated from the Lutheran college in northeast Iowa. They were about to settle among their countryman out by Pembina mountains in the northeast corner of the territory. I liked them greatly for their sincere character and devoted work, and wrote for each a territorial certificate. I think it would be found that Prof. Geo. A. McFarland received one, as he surely deserved, and perhaps the present superintendent of Deadwood. There is one preserved in Montrose, McCook county, and two or three others that I know of. This treasuring of such documents touches one's good feelings. Yet I did not issue, probably, over twenty-five such during the over six years in which I was trusted with that great authority!

With the salary and appropriations mentioned, how did one live, travel, pay personal expenses and support and educate a family. In addition, how could money he secured to rent an office, not provided for by law, to hire an assistant or clerk, which was unavoidably necessary; or meet the expense of all the extra printing, such as the circular herewith printed, the postage, the stationery? In the beginning I had some money and used it. Later I secured little surveying contracts and absented myself two or three weeks at a time in executing them, then went in to the nearest town, got and answered my mail, and surveyed two or three weeks more. With the gain from this work it was possible to go forward with education. It cost me for four years about double the amount appropriated by the territory. When illness overcame me in the winter of 1883-4, it was necessary to go to Florida from February 20th to April 20th for recovery.

But there grew up a strong body of county superintendents, generally able, capable unselfish and devoted to the high aims of the school system. Let me give full credit to them and the splendid people of that "golden age" of South Dakota. This paper gives little space to individuals; to mention and duly commend all who wisely labored and greatly aided would expand it to great length and change its purpose. Hundreds are passed by with regret, and where should we draw the line when so many were deserving? But 1 must refer to some. In 1883 there was expended for teachers' wages $181,691, and in 1884 the amount was $394,785. From these figures the enormous growth and expansion in organization of schools in one year may be inferred. The township system rendered it possible. Estimate, if you can, the vast service demanded of county superintendents under this development. No such work ever comes now in such lines. Hard as was my labor, theirs was more onerous. I remember the faithful, steadfast and capable work of such superintendents as W. H. H. Fate of Union, O. H. Parker of Brookings, R. W. Jones of Brown, C. C. Bridgman of Clay, W. G. Dickinson of Day, J. C. Collister, M of Hughes, James S. Bishop of Beadle. E. A. Dye of Spink, R. M. Evans, M. D., of Walsh, Geo. A. Williams of Kingsbury, Frank Crane of Codington, F. R. Van Slyke of Lake, B. F. Spaulding of Cass, W. E. Benedict of Lincoln, M. A. Lange of McCook, G. L. Pinkham of Hand, C. E. Jackson of Pembina, E. F. Peterson of Clay, C. A. Burton of Grand Forks, A. N. Van Camp in of Hyde, Charles A. Crissey of Miner, J. E. Colton of Minnehaha, and they deserved high mention for the various talents and common faithfulness they gave to their duties. Then the women of the territory came forward worthily as superintendents as well as teachers. Of these Mrs. N. G. Herring of Sargeant, Miss E. E. Nichols of Potter county. Mrs. E. P. Hugill and Mrs. Clara Rogers of Lawrence, Miss Belle Dennis of Fall River, Mrs. A. P. Rose of Faulk, Clara O. Pindall of Ransom, and Miss Hattie L. Workman of La Moure were honorably efficient in the pioneer work they performed under difficulties, which was essential to later and larger work that is more noticed. One could do little without such loyal and capable leaders and co-workers as these and many others in the widely separated counties. They knew my confidence in them and my great obligations to them at that time, and their names recall years of struggle, self-denial and enthusiasm, almost without pay, that helped lay the foundations for the structure that is now the pride of the people of both states. The flag of our hope fluttered high at the peak. Sometimes, later, it was for the moment obscured, but the full light came and they were all loyally glad.

No territory ever had such fealty and allegiances as these men and women and thousands more then faithfully rendered, and no state ever came into so noble a fame as these people gave to both states. But where shall we cease to write upon topics and men and women that recall such hallowed memories or give such clean and cherished sentiments and pleasures? Let us turn to the harvest, the final attainment of it all.


The School Lands, Division and Statehood

Let me say, as if I were writing a personal letter to each reader, that I loved the people of South Dakota from 1879 to 1889; and ever since. Few know me now as many thousands did then. I have been held close by a short picket rope, since statehood, by the state normal school at Madison. Before that I was able to visit nearly all of them and talk with them. I knew how they struggled, thought, hoped and had an enduring faith. I know how clean and honorable were the great majority, without respect to party, or creed or nativity. 1 knew the missionaries of the churches and the Sunday school cause as they went over the territory and brought organization and moral power. The suffering and the success in every line were before the eyes of the observer. I saw the people of Deadwood assemble in mass meeting the day after their city was destroyed by fire in 1879, and there declare for and protect the rights of every person, rich or poor, in his property and personal privileges. It was not necessary to send for troops or think of martial law to protect or govern such a people. It was more like some famous New England town meeting, consulting upon problems of property and right. Let people talk about the supposedly wild mining camps. I had seen Deadwood a few nights before in the glare of midnight lamps, but it was quiet then. Let men write about that splendid town meeting, held there in sight of the spared school house and church, and the honorable civic life since, and sec how small and unworthy a part are the stories of Wild Bill, Jack McCall and Calamity Jane! The people who tilled South Dakota cast of the Missouri were a splendid people. They proved it in their stand for the school lands, for division, for the Sioux Falls constitution of 1885. and held firmly to their purpose till statehood was attained in 1889. Much that appears in all the preceding pages shows the progressive rise of the purpose to secure division and statehood.

The heading of this chapter shows the order of the then great issues. The movement for the school lands began first and became a strong factor in the other aims. The saving of the school lands was advocated by me from the day of my arrival in the territory, in April, 1869. It had become fixed in my mind from discussions and laws, from my boyhood, in Indiana and as a student in Michigan, when the defaults of the past were placed before the people as reasons for better work then and in the future. On the ride from Sioux City to Yankton it was mentioned by me and my companion. It was mentioned to many persons in the early days of my residence in Yankton. The surveyors of public lands would, if living, remember our talks upon it. They often said, and it seems in some measure true, that many of the school sections were the very pick of the land. They were above the average in many parts. The first reference in writing to the subject is to my advocacy of the cause in 1871, less than two years after my arrival. The following is, in full, a copy of a letter from Hon. H. A. Jerauld, after whom a county is named. I was talking with many legislators at the time to which he refers, and I discussed not only the Indiana, but the Michigan, Illinois and Wisconsin waste of a great heritage.

"National City, California, July 20, 1903.

"General W. H. H. Beadle, Madison. South Dakota.

"Dear Sir: I trust you will remember me, for I have not forgotten you. Nor do I forget your loyalty to the best interests of education in Dakota's early days.

"Today I send to a local newspaper a communication, a copy of which T send you, and which explains itself.

"When I read the new California law referred to. I thought of you, and it brought to my mind an incident connected with the legislative session in Dakota territory in 1871, in which you gave us the dark history of the waste and robbery of the public school funds of Indiana, and the newer states admitted into the union up to that time.

"I stood with you at that time, and am glad that South Dakota has appreciated your long service in the line of her greatest good.

"The history you gave us made a lasting impression upon me, and I would thank you if you will refer me to the sources of like information on the subject.

"Trusting you arc well and still in the service, I am, yours very truly,  "H. A. Jerauld."

From the first the work went on quietly. All will understand that there could not then be any practical organization toward statehood or any extensive and public discussion of the school land issue. We were preparing for the time when these great issues could be raised when population was here. I have given the conversation with Governor Howard in 1878, when he invited me to serve him as private secretary and to become superintendent of public instruction. My successive appointments were on the same basis, for my advocacy was then public and general. In the legislature of 1877 I spoke once upon the topic, urging that a bill might be passed protecting the school section at Dell Rapids, and that it would be valid unless congress disapproved it, which they were sure not to do. In January. 1888, I had written a letter to lion. Carl Schurz. secretary of the interior, upon the protection of the school lands by the United States, to which the following was his reply :

"Department of the Interior

"Washington, Febr'y 1; 1878."

"Dear Sir: I have received your letter of the 26th inst., and have made myself acquainted with its contents, for which I am under obligations to you. Truly yours,

"W. H. H. Beadle, Esq.. "C. Shurz."

"Yankton. Dakota."

In his history of South Dakota, published by B. F. Bowen & Co.. vol. 1, p. 316, Hon. Doane Robinson gives the conception of the statehood movement to a meeting of Governor Howard,

Hugh J. Campbell,176 W. II. H. Beadle and Dr. Joseph Ward at a Thanksgiving dinner at the home of Rev. Stewart Sheldon (a brother-in-law of Dr. Ward) in November, 1879, when all the issues were united, and "from that time General Beadle devoted himself to" the plan "that every acre of the school land should be held until it brought at least ten dollars per acre." "While General Campbell and Joseph Ward agitated for the division of the territory, to the end that a more compact and therefore a more representative commonwealth be created, where the tendency and temptation to corruption and graft in government should not be so possible. They and others were tireless in their work from that date, and many citizens' meetings were held at Yankton and various other localities where the matter was discussed." Let me say that Dr. Ward was an early supporter of the school land plan, long before the time mentioned. Governor Howard gave his practical assent to it in 1878 in our conversation upon the subject before mentioned; but he never was able to take an active part in the campaign, his death occurring soon after. Let it also be even more clearly stated that General Hugh J. Campbell did not enter upon the statehood movement through the school land door as the others did. He loyally accepted the idea, however, and was always favorable to it. His ideas and aims were more distinctly political, and in that direction his ambitions were high and strenuous.

Now that the movement was launched I again addressed Hon. Carl Schurz, secretary of the interior, setting forth fully the conditions and soliciting the more active aid of the United States in preventing trespass upon the school lands. This letter he referred to the assistant attorney general for the interior department, who returned an opinion to the effect that these lands had been by United States statute set apart when surveyed and were to be sacredly preserved for the use of the future state for the benefit of schools, and directing all land and other officers of the United States to warn and prevent sellers from occupying or otherwise trespassing upon them. Through the bureau of education this circular was printed in very large numbers and sent to such officers, and many hundreds of them to me as superintendent of public instruction. These circulars were scattered widely over the whole territory and had a great influence in preventing further trespass, and led a good many settlers to abandon these lands, and seek other homes while public lauds were yet available. In my addresses, north and south, this advice was urged strongly. These trespassers were told distinctly that when the state was organized they would have no rights whatever, and that the state would sell the lands at auction to the highest bidder, and put him in possession, without reference to or any return whatever for their so-called improvements. Everywhere we declaimed against them, warned them and called upon all other people to stand firmly against such trespassers as enemies of their rights and interests. We spoke now with more decision and force, in the name of the United States, and by its official and legal authority. The effect of that circular was great. It spread fear among violators of the law and encouraged the friends of education. Men who had been indifferent came over to our side and we soon had a considerable following.

But organization was necessary. Chief Justice P. C. Shannon was our friend, and Gen. Campbell, who was United States attorney all this time, was fond of nothing more than a prosecution.  Cases were begun and indictments found against men, wherever we could find proof, for cutting timber on school lands, and several convictions were secured. The news of these spread among the people. In those days the second judicial district, over which Judge Shannon presided, covered all of South Dakota east of the Missouri river. Then United States grand juries were summoned, not from selections made by drawing names from great lists, but the district attorney supplied the names to the United States marshal. We were careful to select the best citizens, and among these such as we already knew to be friendly or probably favorable to the school land and statehood movements. In a similar way the petit jurors were summoned. So the terms of court would bring to Yankton a considerable body of rightly disposed men on the juries, and many others could be added to these who came as parties or witnesses. At first somewhat secretly, and  later more openly, these men were persuaded to take part in our cause. Next we began to organize clubs or associations in the various counties east of the Missouri, with these men as leaders. A sort of circular or declaration of principles was prepared and printed on writing paper, which was sent out to these leaders, who secured signatures of many others to it. Thus clubs were formed and extended into the settlements. They were by no means confined to towns, but on the contrary the organization was rather more rural than in towns, for we wanted disinterested and faithful people, not politicians, as the basis of the movement. Thus, finally, there was a great number of "committees of correspondence" organized, and these often met and the sentiment grew. In Yankton we had a club that held stated meetings in the hotel then kept on Second street by Mr. H. H. Smith, who was secretary of the club and an active worker. There were clubs in other towns, but they did not hold public meetings, simply private conferences, where reports of progress were received and new members signed the roll. Of course the plans were not uniform everywhere, but a steadily increasing number stood for the cause. In our public addresses we never alluded to these clubs. They were not secret societies at all, but a means toward the dissemination of the doctrine and a future public movement.

The north and the south were differently situated in several respects. In the north was a great national railroad, the Northern Pacific, with a vast grant of lands, practically taking half the land for forty miles on each side of its track, and taking indemnity in Dakota for lands lost in Minnesota. That corporation at that time dominated North Dakota. Men bought great tracts from it, and secured the intervening government sections by pre-emption and formed the "big wheat farms" they simply plowed and planted, many school sections among the others. There was no transcontinental line across South Dakota, and the only land grant was to the old Winona and St. Peter Railroad company, a part of the Northwestern system, as far as the Big Sioux river at Watertown. This company disposed of its grant quietly, at reasonable prices and not in large bodies, so it made no impression upon the people. In the north, smaller farmers added parts of adjoining school sections to their farms, and others made their homes upon school sections. In an address at Grand Forks, I set forth this whole matter vigorously and argued the school land issue as fully, freely and pointedly as if before a South Dakota audience. The Herald reported it fairly, though not at length, and as if it favored my views. I was pleased to have a fair number in the audience speak to me after the address, shake hands and express their approval. In other parts of the north, even in Fargo, the Northern Pacific railroad centre, I found similar good sentiment as was shown elsewhere in that section. The people wanted the school lands for themselves and their posterity.

At Fargo a well selected United States grand jury was part of the court over which Hon. Alanson H. Barnes presided as judge. I was familiar with all that country, had done some of my surveying north and south of Casselton and Wheatland. By personal inspection and from friends we secured a considerable list of trespassers and of witnesses who would freely testify to the facts, and presented the entire matter before this grand jury. I was one of the witnesses, as I recall it now. The case was elaborately presented and upon the evidence the grand jury made a formal presentment to the court, setting forth by name every trespasser and giving the exact description of each tract of land so cultivated. It was a big list and one of the citizens named in it happened to be a son of Judge Barnes. When the presentment was made by the full jury to the court, it was read distinctly at full length, whereupon the court ordered that it be received, filed and noted in the records, and then commended and thanked the jury for their services in the matter. All these were powerful influences. In every way practicable and reasonable they were used. Speaking later in the south, these facts from the north were set forth and the people were urged to struggle for separation from the big railroad and other corporate influences of the north, from their political methods and from their probable management of the school lands, and to form a state that was more free from danger of graft and could be economically managed.

In 1880 James A. Garfield was elected president, and I sought more direct and powerful government protection for the school lands. Early in February I went to Cleveland and out to the little station near which was his rural home. He was a friend of popular education, a man of the people, had risen through toil; why not tell him the whole story? Driven to his house in a sleigh, he kindly received and talked with me nearly two hours about the new west, the territorial governments, their school systems and the school lands. It was urged that in view of the records of the northwestern states in disposing of these that the congress might properly legislate directly upon the subject for all the territories. I had first told him that my purpose was solely to protect the school lands and to promote the schools, and that I had not come for office for myself or any person whomsoever. Whether he learned much, if anything, from me, he heard with interest and his remarks were comprehensive and definite, and his mind was generally well disposed toward the policy. He, of course, said that he could not tell what congress might be disposed to do. In his first message there was a general remark that made me believe that he remembered the subject. Being introduced to him when president, he shook hands at once and said. "I remember General Beadle well, and have not forgotten our talk at Mentor." If one had heard all that conversation at Garfield's farm home, one would have believed that there would be an effort toward general legislation for all the territories, prescribing a uniform school system and protecting the school lands; and it would have been well for the future states. But Garfield was assassinated.

All these incidents and struggles had their influence upon the workers in South Dakota, increasing zeal, strengthening their purpose and supplying argument in their debate. From, the first one steadfast plan was pursued by me, to persuade and convert individuals to my views about the schools lands. That was the purpose with Mr. Jerauld and his co-legislators. Dr. Ward was my first convert, if he required conviction at all and Had not always thought substantially that way. Talking with him one day I read a letter I had written on the subject and he quietly handed me five dollars and said : "Please print that." My pastors have always been my social, literary and, I may say. political companions and are now. Many a long walk and visit and general or special discussion I have had with them, to my advantage, if not theirs. When Dr. Ward went into the college work exclusively, an early successor was Rev. Dan. F. Bradley, with whom visiting one day questions of employment, general life work and aim were debated. I then showed him an offer I had at $3,000 a year to enter the school book business. That looked very large to me, hut I might not have been successful. He spoke of some other work. To this replying, I said that my "call," my "vision," my duty led me and held me to popular education, to that I was devoted, that I could not leave voluntarily, and I quoted as accurately as I could from St. Paul: "Necessity is upon me that 1 do this thing." This referred to the struggle then being waged. "That is good," he said, and it confirmed my resolution. There were many talks with other people. Whether driving across the prairies or riding in the cars I found some one to talk with upon this "ruling passion." It is certain that a score of times I talked on the subject with one man only, while we rode half way across the present state. Upon every train some one would mention the topic, or I would introduce it, and an apparent interest on his part would lead me on to a full argument of the issue. If one man here and another there could be led to see the whole question and to get his mind free from the petty objections or erroneous ideas held by many about what was proposed, he would be a new center of reasonable argument and judgment. Not all were so persuaded ; some became zealous. Some days I would talk twelve hours on this one thought, and fourteen hours if there was an address at night.

One lives all the time and is somewhere all the time and, if he has "an eye single" to one purpose, people are apt to hear of it. So when citizens came to know me very generally they would look at me and speak about me to one another, not for anything remarkable or worthy I had said or done, but with a smile, saying, "I wonder if he has convinced any more people that these school lands are worth ten dollars or more per acre. He seems to believe it, but I would not want to buy them at his figures." Then it would sometimes be: "How are you. general," with a friendly hand shake. "Do you really believe you will succeed in your plan to have the school lands held till they are worth over ten dollars an acre." "Yes, sir, I do." was my reply. "Hundreds more believe it every month, and you will soon wonder why you ever doubted" "Success is certain; the good people will all be with us very soon." Then, perhaps, would follow a long and always good natured argument. I did not hunt for the leading politicians, nor were they disregarded. At Faulkton, holding an institute and going to Major Pickler's home to dine, I found  the major and Mrs. Pickler, and apparently the children, all on my side. So it was often, and such facts are recalled with pleasure and such people are kindly remembered and ever will be. Finding myself in the country one Sunday, where nearly all were Scandinavians, I went early to their church in a quiet way. A considerable number had assembled early and were resting and visiting outside before the services. Speaking to such as I knew and being introduced to others, they turned the talk upon the school lands. One said: "Yes, we hear about that. It is a good thing. Our minister said so to some of us the other day. He do not think a few should get the lands and have us make him rich by our work, building up this country." And to this wise proposition several expressed their approval. There were many similar scenes. The working men and the real farmers of all classes and creeds began to adopt such views. The Catholic people were not behind any in favor. The question was outside of churches and politics. The Methodists and Congregationalisms were at this period the most active churches in extending their organization and building up congregations. The Baptists were also vigorous. The work of these churches has never been better than in those days; certainly it was most noticeable then. A new work shows in an otherwise untouched field. The Lutherans had long been organized. Among all these T am led to believe that the pastors very generally, and many of the leading people, began to adopt the plan because it was in the cause of education, was moral and righteous. It often happened that Dr. Ward was absent either when pastor or in the college, driving in early days clear across to near where Sisseton is or elsewhere, and I know that, among his other duties, he did not omit any opportunity to encourage friends to stand for the school lands, for division and statehood. In fact, I think it became naturally the policy of all ecclesiastical bodies to organize and plan toward a division of the territory. In an earlier chapter I have shown how South Dakota from the first tended in all things toward a unity of its own. About this time, in 1884 I think, the South Dakota Press Association was formed, and this was indicative of the tendency of newspaper opinion upon division.

It was plain from early days that division would surely come. His victory for that was really won when fully entered upon, and was as good as assured in 1883, when the first or preliminary convention was held. Still, it took long and faithful labor to complete it with statehood, November 2, 1889. But the school land problem was not solved till the last moment. It was a new thing; that territories should be divided and statehood gained was guaranteed by the ordinance of 1787, the general provisions of which were extended by the congress over all the northwest, including the Dakotas. That South Dakota should stand for a price "not less than its appraised value and never less than ten dollars an acre," when Iowa was selling such lands near our southeastern border at $2.50 to S4.00 per acre and when no state had ever placed a limitation higher than "double minimum," that is $2.50 per acre, was a surprising demand. Speaking one evening at Madison, about 1881, and urging the full measure of this plan, some one asked me if I supposed the school section (36) a mile and a half northwest would sell for ten dollars an acre soon enough to do anybody living then any good, f replied that it would sell for more than that within a year after the state was admitted. The reply was that the people proving up on pre-emptions could get loans of but $200 on quarter sections, to pay the government. It took a long argument to convince people that these cheap lands would soon be so valuable. When Major Thomas H. Ruth, commissioner of school and public lands, came to Madison in 1891 to appraise and prepare to offer some lands, I easily convinced him that he should mark that section at $25.00 per acre, and the others at about $12.00 to $20.00. The section did not then sell at $25.00, but it later sold at $35.00 to $41.50, or fractionally near that. It was not an easy matter to convince people that statehood and a few years would bring higher prices, but the arguments from other states, soon after their admission, were used broadly and sometimes in detail. The rates of interest were then high in Dakota: a quarter section well improved would rarely be taken as security for over $600.00. Railroad tariffs were high and the farmers believed the grain and stock markets were "unfair." It was a long way eastward into Iowa or Minnesota to where affairs were materially better. It would require twenty pages like this manuscript to reproduce all the objections and to fully state the arguments used to avoid or refute them. The people were paying heavy school taxes and wanted early relief. They said that they were now poor or had little property, while the future state and people would be rich and could easily maintain their own schools. One man justified Illinois in selling so much school land at a low price on the foregoing principle, declaring the state had been more benefitted as it was than it would have been upon my theory. The reservation of the school lands so long a time would delay their occupation, delay population, and actually prevent the advance of other lands in value and price! Yet, all the time we gained. There was not among the people then a great desire to get hold of the school lands. And we showed the speculation in Iowa, Minnesota and Wisconsin in such lands, the vast land grant to the Union Pacific and the Northern Pacific and other railroads, and how speculative occupation of these swept the school lands into the same pool. We even went so far as to point to the fact that many of our legislators showed no interest in this question or stood for a low limitation. Hon. R. F. Pettigrew, as delegate to congress, was endeavoring to secure the passage of an enabling act and wrote me that he fixed $2.50 per acre as the limitation on these lands, and asked if I did not consider that sufficient. We argued that such a limitation was no better than none, and that when statehood had come the first legislature might be worse than the one that moved the capital to Bismarck, and all its members might be made rich by an act selling a million or a million and a half acres of school lands at one bargain to a syndicate who should have two or three years to select and pay for the lands thus bargained for! The fear and finally the belief of many came that some such scheme was on foot. The reader will sec that such a sale was possible with a low limit. Still the victory was not won. In a meeting addressed on the subject, with ten dollars as the limit, very rarely would more than one-third the audience respond favorably by rising. After the first address I delivered at Mitchell on the subject I begged all who favored the doctrine to kindly speak to me of it as they passed out. But one man did. He was then the landlord of the Sanborn house, and later lived at Artesian, name forgotten. Under the less than decidedly encouraging conditions should we change the proposition to a lower limit? No. never! We stood by the original, first, declaration, and in the language that finally went into the constitution. We never wavered one moment, but declared that success would be certain on that line. There were hundreds of men and women who were true to the cause. Nearly all the county superintendents 1 have named were early and steadily faithful. Many educators who have since become known to fame were loyal at all times. So the struggle went on, but the foregoing gives the general and many of the special lines upon which we argued.

General Hugh J. Campbell was active in his own way, keeping in close touch with these "clubs" or ''groups" and aiming chiefly at division and statehood, together with his own political preferment. He was undoubtedly ambitious to become a United States senator from the new state, and he had many warm friends and adherents, but never a following that could assure success. he was a Scotchman—vigorous, persistent and unyielding. His way was the way; his plan the true plan. So he did not adjust and accommodate himself to the large body of men in the movement, in the convention or among the people. He and Judge Shannon were somewhat alike in their Celtic steadfastness or obstinancy, and as prosecutor and court they pursued crime with even undue vigor. While it must be granted that the court made crime unpopular, gave law to the rough elements up the river and generally established peace and order, both men developed opposition among the bar and people, not subjects of their forceful administration of justice. Always the friend of both, their immovable  rigor of idea and persistence rendered it difficult to cooperate with them. Yet I was always indebted to both for evidences of sincere friendship and acts of personal favor. General Campbell was the prosecutor and a hard one. He and Judge Shannon did not agree well. Campbell was not admired for kindly and noble qualities, but for his fighting blood. A Presbyterian of the old type, his lines of thought were fixed. He was the oak, never the yielding willow. Opposition intensified his own opinion and strengthened his purpose. He was never soft or gentle, always a sledge-hammer. He had high integrity, I believe, in all things, but to persevere in the integrity of his own ideas and will was his characteristic. He was so rigorously erect as to lean the other way. He served the cause of division and statehood with great energy and, in its earlier days, gave it power and momentum, but when it became a great popular movement he could not control it, or use it rightly for his personal advancement. He antagonized all the politicians, who were wiser in their day than he was. Besides this he had also antagonized all politicians who had never supported the movement. But it is not remarkable that he then had and deserved many very warm friends, and that among them arc living men today who regard him as a great leader. He deserved their admiration and regard, hut he did not fill their expectations as a manager of great affairs, and failed at the most critical moment by accepting a general gage of battle, and fell outside the works. Thus I attempt to analyze the qualities and work of a man I too admired greatly, but found wanting in the crisis and unable to adjust himself to reasonable conditions.

For a long time I would have been glad to see him senator, but never saw hope for it.

Dr. Joseph Ward was a manly and earnest man, full of good common sense and kindliness, and of broad views. He saw opportunity whenever it appeared. A few letters that he wrote occasionally to eastern papers in his early years at Yankton show far-sighted vision for Congregational work, for education and for civic righteousness, all of which were equally dear to him always. He had given pledges as he had received charges to be faithful to these, and his life work was invaluable to South Dakota. He could labor and could wait. He could stand calmly after the performance of duty and wait with confidence upon the result. He was a man of large self-possession and real power in mind and spirit. Under the strain of heavy responsibility, trial, and even adversity, he could cheerfully go forward in all duly and constantly broaden his field and take stronger hold upon the resources within reach. His life, his manner, his preaching, his public work were all simple. He came near living the simple life, but was never idle. His rest and recreation had usefulness in them. His acquaintance broadened till it included South Dakota. There was the highest wisdom in his advice, and in a few sentences he made a policy clear. So everything he aided prospered, and he aided every good thing. So broad was his philanthropy and so simple and kindly his manner to all, the rich, the common laborer and the needy, that people of all parties and churches and social grades held him in uniform respect. Within my own knowledge some Catholic people called him "Father Ward," in such esteem as a minister and citizen did they hold him. Dr. Ward was, from his wide acquaintance, a strong help toward the cause of the school lands and of statehood. A sure indication of his modest sincerity, his trust in God and his profound love of broad republican government is found in the state motto, of which he was the author: "Under God the People Rule." Dr. Ward had not only this large personal power and direct influence, but the equally great one of holding others together, harmonizing and combining them in all the fields of service entered by him. He was not a politician at all, was not pretentious in the least, did not seek honors. The state of South Dakota and Yankton College are his monuments. I tried hard, but in vain, to do his labors justice when I delivered the oration over his grave when his friends placed a monument there in Yankton cemetery.

Rev. Stewart Sheldon190 was another one in that Thanksgiving dinner conference upon the public welfare at his home in Yankton in 1879, with General Campbell and Governor Howard. He was sent by the American Home Missionary society and gave sixteen years to pioneer religious work, during which time (1874) he gave great aid to civil movement as well as to religion.

These men are specially so mentioned because their work was in the genesis of the movements that reached such importance. But theirs was not the only church nor they the only men at work. The Methodist Episcopal church, the Baptist, the Catholic, the Lutheran and the Episcopalian (led by Rev. Melancthon Hoyt and others), and later the Presbyterian and others, were equally zealous and faithful, and from all alike came influences and helps of the highest value. Nor was this a church or a religious movement. It was largely a moral, profoundly a righteous, movement. It was these influences coming into the civic field at a great opportunity. Besides, the press of the territory was an increasing and higher power every year, and not only freely gave the reports, but lent advocacy to the cause. Not all the papers as not all members of churches or ministers or all the people espoused the aims of the leaders. Political campaigns and political considerations of every kind had their place in those days, as now. The early volunteers and laborers were very generally not politicians, though such distinguished men as Hon. Bartlett Tripp of Yankton, Hon. P. C. Shannon, Hon. Granville G. Bennett. Hon. Barney Caulfield and scores of others yielded their private and public support.

These "clubs" and local groups heretofore described were now useful, and by their aid and otherwise delegates were chosen to a convention that met at Canton, June 21, 1882, which declared for "division and admission" in pronounced terms. This meeting and the executive committee appointed by it, show that men from every church named and from both parties were in the advance guard. The committee was Joseph Ward, Newman C. Nash, Wilmot Whitefield, J. V. Himes and more. The veto by Governor Ordway of a bill for a constitutional convention aroused the people and the Canton committee called a delegate convention which met at Huron. June 19, 1883. It was a large convention of the most able and dignified men of the entire state. Hon. Barney G. Caulfield was president. As Doane Robinson writes: "It acted with calm deliberation and sagacity, which encouraged all the friends of the movement." It adopted an address to the people and by ordinance called a constitutional convention which met at Sioux Falls September 4, 1883. Some of the leaders were Bartlett Tripp, Hugh J. Campbell, Gideon C. Moody and Arthur C. Mellette. The constitution prepared by this body was presented to and admission sought by congress, but in vain.

The legislature of 1885 provided for a constitutional convention for South Dakota. The delegates were chosen at an election held June 30th, and the body met at Sioux Falls September 8th. The popular movement had legal sanction. A lawfully chosen body was in session, under its president, Hon. A. J. Edgerton of Yankton, and the "division and admission'' effort was in its final stage. How was it with the school lands? Many with me had continued the labor for this cause along with the other. I had consulted the members of these conventions when in session or individually as far as could be done. They were almost unanimous for division and admission, but not decided upon the school lands. The state had been filling up with new voters all the time. These caught sympathy readily with the political movements, but the school land issue was new to them as it had been to all others, and it is probable that when the Sioux Falls convention met, September 8, 1885, a majority of the people might have voted "no" upon the question, if it had been alone submitted. So it was in the convention itself. The victory was yet to be won. We are not writing a history of that excellent body of men. They were earnest, honest, capable. They had met there to perform a great duty and all their work was admirable. It is one thing to favor a strong, economic, republican constitution, with guards of civil and personal rights and limitations upon legislation and other powers. They were willing to "legislate in the constitution" upon all such questions. Other states, like Illinois and Pennsylvania, had framed new constitutions with advanced, provisions upon many points; but none had ever done what was asked concerning school lands. The reader may think that this now seems a most reasonable thing to do, but it did not appear so then. It was a very radical departure, for which there had been no precedent for a people struggling to establish homes in a new land.

Among the able and good men who had espoused this cause early was Rev. James H. More, a preacher of the M. E. church, laboring in Beadle county. He was chosen a delegate to this convention, as was Dr. Joseph Ward of Yankton county. I shall ever feel grateful to Judge Edgerton that he placed these two men upon the committee upon "education and the school lands." Rev. J. H. More was made its chairman and Dr. Ward was second on the committee. The following was written recently by Chairman More, from his home at Polo, Illinois, where as he writes me: "I am living by God's goodness in comparative comfort and enjoy a very good degree of health for one of my years." His statement follows:

"The committee on education and school lands in the constitutional convention which met at Sioux Falls, South Dakota, in its earliest sessions was not a unit on the policies to be incorporated in its report.

'"His prevailing opinion was that school lands should be early put on sale, that the proceeds might be available, to assist settlers while they were struggling with the difficulties and hardships incident to the establishing of new communities.

"A minority, having large confidence in the future of South Dakota and believing the lands so liberally given by the general government for the promotion of education would rapidly advance in price, and if retained until needed by settlers, at a minimum price of ten dollars per acre, when sold would accumulate a magnificent endowment for the common schools of the new state, held persistently to their convictions and at length won over the others and the committee unanimously approved fixing the minimum price at which school lands should he offered, which was the amount indicated above.

"Some members of the committee had seen the school lands in the older states hastily sold, to the great detriment of the later history of school development in those states, and the fund of which the lands should have been the basis depicted by serious losses, because not sufficiently guarded, and all desired to so frame the constitutional provisions that the accumulated fund should be safely protected.

"In working out the details of their report the committee were greatly assisted by General W. H. II. Beadle, then of Yankton, who at their request met regularly with them during the last half of the session of the convention. His thorough knowledge of the conditions in the territory, obtained during his administration of the office of superintendent of schools for the territory, and his sound and discriminating judgment were of incalculable service in perfecting what has been pronounced a very perfect constitutional provision for well endowed free public schools. The state owes much to General Beadle for the generous, broad-minded and magnificent service he has rendered her school interests."

It was something of a struggle, but it was reasonable and kindly. My first and manifest object must be to secure the unanimously favorable action of the committee. That was not done till late in the session. Taking all their ideas, suggestions and work, I sat in their committee room while they were attending sessions of the convention and drew the article upon "Education and School Lauds" as it appears in our state constitution, except that some amendment was made in convention to a section relating to investment and security. This they read and re-read, and it won their approval slowly, one by one. It was that formal and complete document, not oral discussions and misunderstandings, that won the case. I was ready to reply to all questions. At limes, at least, they treated me like a member of their committee, but I was careful not to speak with the least authority.

Some earnest persuasion was used with individual members and I talked most freely with Dr. Ward that he might, if possible, meet all objections. Rev. J. H. More and Dr. Ward endorsed the paper fully from the first reading, with enthusiasm. Finally, near the very close of the session, the committee made a unanimous report, presenting the article as drawn. I had meanwhile gone over it section by section, clause by clause and word by word, and made every punctuation mark, all in a fair and legible hand. They would read this over repeatedly. It looked complete. Should the majority, against Chairman More and Dr. Ward, prepare another report and draw another article upon another plan? It did not seem easy. Let me assure the reader that it is not. That $300 worth of experience I had enjoyed writing upon the "codes of 1877" was a great help to me. Asked privately by a member of the convention if I would draw another article upon a modified plan and a lower limitation, I respectfully declined and stood by the draft exactly as made. Meanwhile I talked with members of the convention personally, as opportunity offered, and with those of the committee. The unanimous report was made, and but a short time before adjournment it was adopted by the convention! Then the people adopted the constitution. The dearest thing to me in my public life was an accomplished fact.

I take the liberty to quote from two letters received from Rev. James H. More combining these expressions. He had been asked to sketch the history of the convention's work upon the question. He says:

"I send you a mere outline of what seemed to me appropriate for me to say. The long struggle for the right basis need not be told. As soon as I have leisure from the accumulated affairs that demand my attention I will review and recall what I can of the work of the committee on public schools and school lands and write you again. 1 am sorry not to have seen you when I passed through Madison. I am desirous the people of your state should know how much they are indebted to General Beadle for their most excellent, complete and successful foundation for public schools. Accept assurances of most exalted esteem of,

"Yours very truly, "James H. More."

The outline sent is printed above. It is a personal pleasure to know that some such friends, many I believe, were won in that long contest. During it some bitter things were said about my motives and plans. When men occupied the school lands they were not friendly to those who disturbed them. Sometimes parts of such sections were used as burial grounds. This I had attacked, and at least one newspaper held me up to scorn for interfering in such a sacred affair! The constitution was adopted by a vote of 25,132 against 6,522, and probably some of the latter were cast upon the school land proposition. Something can be learned of the moral tone of the people and the convention by the fact that a prohibition clause separately submitted was carried by a majority of 334, and in 1889 by a majority of 5,724. I regret to say that woman suffrage lost. While not specially advocating it. I had always favored it and voted for it, as I did for prohibition. The towns and villages of South Dakota were not then largely given over to saloons, as they now are. It took several years of desperate struggle to remove the prohibition clause. Even before this most of the towns were upon a prohibition basis, refusing licenses. The towns along the river, from Sioux City to Bismarck, and the few leading interior towns, with most of those in the Black Mills, favored and patronized the saloon. But the great interior region and the rural towns generally were almost wholly free from them.

The people who from 1879 to 1889 came to make their homes here were intelligent, self-respecting citizens, used to governing themselves, trained to hold meetings, to organize movements and direct events. The learned professions increased in the numbers and ability of their representatives. Many of the officers were able and faithful men, and made progress in every worthy direction. Law was enforced more and more fully, and a commonwealth of high purpose arose out of the earlier confusion and bitterness. The women of those days, the mothers of the present generation, deserve the highest praise. They, too, were intelligent and capable. Side by side with the men, they endured the struggles and privations unavoidable to the border. There were dangers of Indian war and of the wild beast. They helped to build the sod house and to make the home. Often they were lonely, far from neighbors, and denied by circumstances the social life that is so much to them. They toiled though summer and winter to make and keep the home and lent their aid in all opinion and effort that finally made the state. It is not singular that in the mountain states the suffrage was often given to the women. They bore the same hardships and met the same dangers as the men. Nor is it singular that in the period referred to the women of South Dakota were held in such honorable esteem by the men. Many favored giving them all political rights.

The survivors of these pioneers arc worthy of all honor and praise. To them, and to their associates now gone forever, it was given to redeem a wilderness, to plant the institutions of American  liberty upon a new soil and to place on record enduring evidences of the sturdy quality of American manhood and womanhood. When joined by thousands more like them in later territorial and early state days, they wrought by patriotic sentiment and diligent toil and left a record for coming generations to emulate. The foundations they laid in the state of South Dakota will tend to preserve perpetually the principles upon which our government is founded.

These sentiments and expressions are suggested by the work and writings of others, but the people have ample cause for state patriotism.

Here one might stop. The entire victory had been won. The rest is all history, and the record of it is fairly complete. Doane Robinson has gathered the facts, often even in detail, and this is not to be done over again. Some others will, years hence, take up the record as it has been made and give the philosophy and cause and effect of it.

A little may he said upon events from 1885 till November 2, 1889, when "We are a state" was realized. Rut how did it come that South Dakotans clung to their purpose and persisted to the end? The long struggle had unified them. That organization from 1879 to 1885 went right forward in its work, and the people kept their faith. Those "groups," "clubs," and "committees of correspondence" were not continued in form and for their original purposes, but in substance they perpetuated the struggle. The Sioux Falls constitution became dear to the people. They were attached to it. The entire territory as one state was not safe to make so good a fundamental law. Then the article upon the school lands became more and more a sacred thing. Now that it was done, almost the entire people became proud of it and stood by the whole movement for that reason. The authority of the Huron and the Sioux Falls conventions was great with the people, and assent was given to their words generally. Then all men who participate in a great political act of high merit become more attached to it after than they were before the act. They could defend their course finally only by success. Nearly all minds settled into a confidence and determination. It was discussed before the vote on the constitution and that instrument won supporters. As time passed, others accepted and defended it wholly.

The Sioux Falls convention did not finally dissolve when the constitution was completed in 1885, hut met again in 1886 and kept alive the statehood aim. Committees went before the congress and the president and argued for admission. These arguments and the pamphlets printed by committees were read by many and re-enforced the arguments for statehood. South Dakota was unquestionably Republican in politics. Many prominent and able Democrats had supported statehood. They were consistent afterwards. Cleveland became president in 1885 and we soon had a Democratic governor of Dakota territory, Louis K. Church, whom I hold in respect, but he opposed statehood and his own party in South Dakota largely opposed him in this. The Sioux Falls Press of July 15, 1886, has the following: "After the adjournment of the constitutional convention yesterday, the state league held a session and renewed its pledge to work untiringly for division and admission. President John A. Owen resigned that position and T. D. Kanouse was elected to succeed him." The members of the convention and thousands of others were doing good work all the time. The press of the south advanced in ability and became practically unanimous in favor of statehood. The people of the north favored it more and more and finally became reconciled to and advocates of division and admission of both. It had reached a condition where the people would have acted and voted almost solidly for it for another four years or more.

Hon. John A. Owen, above named, was an early and stalwart  statehood and school lands supporter. Residing at De Smet, he had a fine influence upon public opinion there and more widely. A man of the finest qualities and character, he was an esteemed citizen and one of the best school board members I ever knew. He soon removed to California, after his resignation above noted. Theodore D. Kanouse of Woonsocket was an ardent advocate of statehood and education, a pleasing and rather eloquent public speaker, and was nominated and elected to congress as a part of the statehood movement. He later removed to California.

My own activity did not cease, but was less general, as I bad ceased to hold the office of superintendent. Still, whenever opportunity offered, I spoke or wrote. The following is taken from the  Sioux Falls Press of April 4, 1886:

"Genera! Beadle, interviewed by the Yankton Press on the subject of the Sioux Falls silver mining excitement, says that no silver exists in the Big Sioux quartzite, and it is his opinion that the alleged silver find covers an intention to secure a school section at Dell Rapids under the operation of the mining laws. This is a theory that will bear investigation."

Sometimes I encouraged a prosecution for cutting timber on school lands. The public mind received such items as the above with favor, and the public conscience was kept lively upon the subject.

In the convention of 1885, and after, General Hugh J. Campbell was the most radical of the advocates of the doctrine that "We are a state." In the convention he could never command a majority for his theory that we were a state by the consent and authority of the people and might elect our state officers and put the whole machinery and power of the state into operation, and not await the pleasure of congress to create a state for us. He  advocated this doctrine before the people steadily, and had a good many supporters, but never anything approaching a majority. And he lost political support and public confidence by his course. When statehood came his ambition to be a United States senator was due to certain disappointment. By that time too the fact was accomplished and all the political forces were active, whether they had early served the cause, as he did, or not. And he passed out of the scene which he had for some time so greatly helped to create. Still it must be conceded that he and his supporters had materially aided in the persistence of the statehood movement to its success in 1889. Had General Campbell reserved his doctrine till Governor A. C. Mellette's message to the legislature at Huron, it might have received more favor. In that document, while he did not favor assumption of state powers. Governor Mellette took every other ground that General Campbell had held, saying: "The people of Dakota are a state by the supreme right of creation." "The state is the creature of the people, not of congress." "She demands a right granted by law which congress cannot legally refuse." He would, however, wait upon congress to give it life. There is ample reason in all these facts after 1885 why the people of South Dakota stood steadfast and won statehood.

I repeat as I said early in this paper, one must have the point of view of those times and conditions to understand South Dakota history up to 1889. Man's environment has changed vastly since then. His mode of thought has been almost transformed. He has new conditions, new ideals, new thought since it required two weeks to get news from Washington city to Yankton that the territory of Dakota had been created by congress. He cannot experience or think as people did in those years. They were feeling their way toward an indefinite future. When they were in numbers and means sufficient, they began to form ideals of a state that was to be, and men began to organize and labor toward those aims. There were leaders at times that all of us followed who were unworthy of our fealty, and we have no pride in them. They passed and better ones arose from time to time. Absolute ideals were not held or attained by any. Out of all the struggle the best men available formed the Sioux Falls convention and later won the victory. I would like to discuss many of them, but such is not the purpose of this paper. I think we had a splendid people, desiring to do well, "with courage in the right as God gave them to see the right," and they did well. We now are closing the seventeenth year of statehood and have all we can do to bear ourselves as well as they did. Our history and present success justify a high state pride and have all we can do to bear ourselves as well as they did. Our history and present success justify a high state pride and patriotism. The future ought to be thought of that it may justify the present. We believe the future manhood and womanhood will surpass those of the present and the past. "Honor thy father and thy mother" is followed by promised endurance in days. As I grow old I look back upon those times and those people from 1879 to 1889 and honor them. It was the golden age of South Dakota in achievement. Still our praise of the past grows in large part out of high belief in and anticipation of the future. We have never faltered or deteriorated, therefore we shall advance. As providence moves through all history, like Homer's gods through space, so the truth of the future shall be greater than the truth of the past or the present. True optimism is doing better, endeavoring to realize higher ideals. The state of South Dakota offers far more splendid opportunities now than the territory of Dakota ever did or could.

Note.—This paper has been written under difficulties. With many other pressing duties, with my right hand long disabled, severe illness followed and these pages have been written hastily in the month of July, and I ask the considerate criticism of the reader.

W H. H. Beadle.

Madison State Normal School

The last chapter might have been an appropriate close to these sketches, but Secretary Doane Robinson kindly requests that they be extended.

About August 1, 1889, when I was temporarily engaged as head of the Harrison institute, an Indian industrial school, near Salem, Oregon, I received a telegram from the governing board notifying me that I had been elected president of the Madison, South Dakota, state normal school, and I wired my acceptance, closed my relations in Oregon and came promptly to the duty. It happened that I had been connected with the Madison normal in some way from its inception. In public land surveys I had passed across nearly every part of the territory east of the Missouri, and among others across Lake county from northeast to southwest, and saw that it was a splendid body of rich land, like so much country all around it. During the legislative session of 1881, Hon. Chas. B. Kennedy, now as then an honored resident of Madison, represented Lake county in the house and secured the enactment of a law locating a territorial normal school at Madison, and such was the vast snow blockade that he brought the first news of the fact on his return from the session. At the following session of 1883, Hon. R. C. McCallister, the well known and honored citizen of Madison, was the representative and secured a small appropriation for a building and to open the school. When this bill came before Governor Ordway, he sent for me and questioned me as to whether Lake county and that region were fitted by productive soil and otherwise to sustain a good population and make it a fit place for such an institution. My reply was strongly favorable, and the act was approved. The law authorizing the school made the superintendent of public instruction a member of its board, ex-officio, so I became connected with the school from its beginning. Later, when no longer superintendent, the board appointed me a member of the ''board of visitors" along with such gentlemen as Geo A. McFarland, T. D. Kanouse and others. In these capacities I served as I was able, and have thus been connected with the institution almost continuously from its inception to the present hour. Similar acts brought me into the early boards of the state university, the Spearfish normal and perhaps other territorial institutions.

The first president (1883) was C. S. Richardson, graduate of Colby university, Maine, who was a hard-working, faithful and most kindly man, seeking to help all around him. Leaving the school in 1886 he took a post-graduate course at Harvard university, was professor of mathematics and astronomy in Olivet college, Michigan. Going to Utah he was active in mining, and died at Omaha, Nebraska. June 24, 1904. He was succeeded by  William F. Gorrie, A. B. 1864, A. M. 1876. Williams college, Mass.; born at Salem, N. Y., May 25. 1842; died October 25, 1903, at his home in Minneapolis. He was a superior scholar and skillful manager. He conducted the school in an orderly, systematic and pleasing manner and was, as his memory is, held in high esteem by all his graduates. Before and after his service as president here (1886-9), he held other high and responsible educational positions, including principalships at Minneapolis (east side), Afton academy, Afton, Minn., Stillwater, Minn., (two years), then superintendent of Watertown, S. D., schools, then to this normal. Knowing him well, I always held President Gorrie in highest esteem, and he deserved continuous success.

My call to the presidency was not of my own seeking, but came from the governing hoard in August, 1889, unexpectedly, and I ought to acknowledge here the warm friendship of such men as lion. John Norton of Webster, Hon. G. L. Pinkham of Miller, Dr. A. E. Clough of Madison, and Hon. Geo. M. Evarts of Sully county, members of the board, moved not only by their own judgment but urged by Geo. A. McFarland and other educators, who asked that I be called. Influences in and about the institution had in 1889 caused conflict, disorganization and unfortunate confusion, so that discipline and government were nearly gone. An almost new faculty was chosen with me, to some of whom I was a stranger as I was to the students. The policy was the same that had governed me in 1879 and later as superintendent—higher standards, enthusiasm, vigorous, hard work for all, students and teachers, scholarship, knowledge and the enthusiasm of knowledge. With the united assistance of a very able faculty that the board had given the school, strict system was adopted and every pupil was required to meet every duty. The school met for opening exercises every school day at 8:15 a. m. precisely. Bell calls summoned to and from every recitation and the recess, with careful exactness. Tardiness and absence from opening exercises and recitations must have a written excuse, signed by the pupil and approved by the president, in every instance, and this excuse must be in turn presented and noted by the proper professor. For many years it became true that when students were asked by outsiders when our opening exercises began, their reply was, "Eight fourteen and three-quarters!" a testimony to the promptness required in all things. That method was successful. After a few months very little discipline of a stricter nature was required. In a year the old things were forgotten and good will and earnest effort were secured. Some reports went out that we were pretty strict here, but time approved it all.

In my view the best success could not be reached in the early years of a school and its reputation made certain unless the president knew all about every instructor and every student, if possible. So I took two or three classes and met them every day. These were in different grades or school years, so that few students were not under my own instruction in one semester or another within two years. Visits were made to the work of other instructors, and every student was closely observed in the classes. This method is not possible in an old and great institution, but it was very helpful in my period here. The subjects for each instructor had been assigned by the employing board. Such an arrangement cannot be perfectly made, and experience suggested a gradual change, till each instructor was doing the work for which he or she was best fitted.

It requires time and some changes, carefully made, to secure the best faculty, and the change must not be too sudden and complete, but slowly, and largely as voluntary retirements give opportunity. Changes for cause are better made singly. As in 1905 I retired from the presidency and, to my own satisfaction. Dr. J. W. Heston succeeded and the regents gave him with one exception the faculty I had, and by his request the same faculty has been continued, I may without offense speak of my experience. The new faculty of 1889 was good, in the main excellent, and had a number of instructors with whom I would never have willingly parted. I speak of them in the order of their continuance.

1. Frederick G. Young, A. B., Ph. D. (1886-9), John Hopkins University. The faculty was larger in number than we could hope to long retain. In January, 1890, Prof. Young resigned to accept the principalship of the Portland, Oregon, high school, which he filled with high credit for several years and was elected to the faculty of the University of Oregon, where he has ever since held a full professorship. He is a man of the highest worth and ability.

2. George A. McFarland, B. S-, M. S., Hiram College, Ohio; born near Cleveland. Ohio; an accurate and liberal scholar, of large and special attainments. He left the faculty at the close of the first year to enter the chair manufacturing business at his native place, following his father's business, but was soon recalled to North Dakota and has been for some fifteen years the president of the Valley City state normal school. The school tinder him has met progressive and great success and he has won real distinction in that state as well as in this. He taught extensively in South Dakota, at Scotland and elsewhere, and in 1887-8 was a member of the territorial board of education, with Hon. E. A. Dye as superintendent. The report of that board exhibits marks of his judgment and literary expression.

3. William H. Dempster, graduate state normal school. Cortland, N. Y., of which state he is a native. Was at the head of the schools at Miller, Hand county, at Redfield and at Huron before his call here in 1889. In 1903 he resigned to accept the presidency of the state normal school at Drain, Oregon, and to find a more favorable climate for his wife and two hoys. Probably no man in the faculty made a more characteristic personal impression upon his classes and no one will be more definitely or loyally remembered by his students. He was a great worker and a most successful teacher of mathematics and physics. Something was doing and thoroughly, during every second of his recitations or other lines of services. Nobody could escape his requirements, and every one of his pupils asks with most kindly regard about his welfare. He had ideas; everybody knew it; and they were correct.

4. Hattie A. Whalen (Mrs. J. P. Jenkins, Sioux Falls) was one of the two members who formed the first graduating class of the school in 1885; was immediately and unanimously elected by the board as a member of the faculty, and was in like manner re-elected and served the state with fine scholarship and the best influence for ten years, until her marriage. It seemed most appropriate that she should become the wife of so worthy a minister of the M. E. church. Born in Michigan, she came to Dakota in 1880; taught three summers in rural schools of Moody county. She had taken preparatory work at Evanston, Illinois, and her fine scholarship was a marked quality of her work as a student and teacher. During her last five years with the school she was preceptress of Ladies' Hall, in which, as well as her work of instruction, her influence was ideal.

5. J. Whitney Goff, A. B., A. M., Bates College, Maine; born October 16, 1861, in Sangerville, Maine, of English descent, and his paternal grandfather commanded a company of patriots at Bunker Hill and at Yorktown. Mid the hard struggles on a farm he got his start in the district schools and later advanced in Foxcroft Academy under the inspiring teacher, Prof. Bachelder, later of Hillsdale College, Mich. In Bates College, at Lewiston, he won the prize for declamation in his junior year and took first honors as a scholar in his class. Coming into the faculty of 1889, after many years as principal of Monmouth and Ansonia academies, he has continued to the present except an absence of one year in 1891-2. His work has been in all except the first two years in English, language and literature, with advanced grammar, rhetoric, American literature and English literature as his special subjects. He is a scholar of the most thorough and liberal sort, a man of philosophic insight and refined literary taste, a writer of unusual merit, as his public addresses show, and he has made a deep and permanent impression upon all his students, the very best being his best friends.

6. Miss Cora Mounter Rawlins, A. B., A. M. (Northwestern University, Evanston, Illinois, both with honors, and she also was given the Boyden prize for the highest scholarship in the classical course and membership in the Phi Beta Kappa society. She excels alike in Latin, Greek and English, being also a strong scholar in German and French. Born near Galena, Illinois, she was on the maternal side descended from Huguenots who had taken refuge in Switzerland, had come to Selkirk, Manitoba, and from hardship there retreated to Galena. We found her in and took her from the state normal at Valley City, N. D. She has been eight years in the Madison normal and for six of these was preceptress of Ladies' Hall. She is now librarian and instructor in psychology and German. Her ability has given the library a great place in the lives and culture of the students. Her power to accomplish work is very remarkable.

7. Miss Anna B. Herrig, principal of the training department and instructor in psychology and methods, was born of German parentage at Saginaw, Michigan, where she finished with high credit the high school course, taught three years in the city schools, then graduated with great merit from the Oswego, N. Y., state normal and training school and took a year's special course for critic and training teachers, for which that school was long famous. Needing two skilled training teachers in 1891, I studied many recommendations and finally selected two from Oswego, of which Miss Herrig was one. Neither was promised the principalship, and not till after their arrival here did I designate Miss Herrig for the higher place and salary. In 1893 she resigned here and accepted a like position at Peru, Nebraska, where she had the distinction of being a member of the educational council of that state. She then did a year's work in the Mt. Pleasant, Mich., state normal, after which she was persuaded to return to this school, where she remains, with increasing power and success. In a normal school this is a very important position, giving the professional studies and practical training that fit the teachers for their work, and Miss Herrig labored long and hard and most successfully, and the effects are felt in hundreds of our graded and village schools. She has spent one summer in the Harvard summer school. Though a very advanced and finished scholar in English and German languages and literatures and in her professional and other subjects, she has no academic degree.

8. Miss Nellie Collins, born in Dallas. Oregon, in the eastern foot hills of the Coast Range, has been the primary critic since 1893. Educated at La Creole Institute in her native town, after teaching six years in the rural schools of the county, where she had all the experiences of a pioneer teacher, boarding 'round, doing her own janitor work and carrying water from a spring a half mile distant. She then graduated from the Monmouth, Or., state normal, receiving the degree of bachelor of scientific didactics. Teaching three years in Bethel academy, she graduated from the Oswego, N. V., normal and took the critic and training course, and came to us. She was granted the life diploma of Oregon and has studied three years in the summer school of the University of Minnesota. Her great ability, pleasing disposition and charming manner with children and teachers have made her very dear to our students, as to everybody that knows her.

9. Miss Susan W. Norton, A. B., Vassar college, was born in Elmira, N. Y.; graduated from the Oswego high school, then from the Peru, Nebraska, normal. In 1898 she completed the course at Vassar and was honored with membership in Phi Beta Kappa. She came to Madison in 1899 and remains since then as grammar grade critic and teacher of vocal music. She is a cultured scholar and her speech and writing are clear and pure English. Her very earnest Christian character has made her of great service to the work of the students in their Christian association.

10. Miss Isabel Larson, 11. S. and M. S., Northwestern University, instructor in science, was born at Odell, Illinois. Graduating with high credit in 1901, she came at once to Madison. In 1903 she tendered her resignation in order to return to the university and take her master's degree. At my request the regents gave instead a leave of absence for one year, and since 1904 she has continued her fine work, and personal power. Her strong decision of character gives her much influence over students; she is an important factor in athletics and she has organized a science club that has advanced the admirable work of her department.

11. Miss Arietta L. Warren, Ph. D., University of Michigan; born in Wooster, Ohio, graduate of high school and Wooster university, taught in high schools of Beaver Dam, Wis., studied a year  in Bryn Mawr college; taught in Aurora, Ill., high school; instructor in Latin and preceptress in academy of Iowa college two years. After completing course for Ph. D. spent one year in American school of classical studies in Rome and in travel in Italy and Greece. Has been for five years professor of Latin and preceptress of Ladies' Hall in Madison state normal, in both of which she is most worthily successful.

12. Miss Katherine Davis, Master of Letters, Chicago university, born in Galesburg, Illinois, where she graduated from Knox college; four years teacher of Latin and English in first high school, Knoxville, Illinois, then in Madison, S. D. In 1903 was made principal of the high school, Wells, Minn., which she resigned to accept here, where she now teaches composition and rhetoric and  elocution.

So much is written, and we might add several more; W. W. Girton, secretary and teacher of civics and geography; Miss Rose O. Eddy, critic intermediate grade work and instructor in drawing; and others who have been or now are connected with the faculty. These are all scholars and teachers of a high grade and the list is given somewhat fully for a historical record of the school, and to discuss two or three points.

1. We have not continually filled the list with our own graduates, but have sought the scholarly and capable from many different institutions, and only such as have already fully established themselves as able teachers. Miss Alice Joyce De Graff, born near Stirling, Illinois, came to North Dakota with her parents in 1883 and graduated from the Ellendale, N. D. (high school; taught two years in graded schools, graduated from Madison normal in June, 1902. Such had been her scholarship and earnest effort that she was, the following winter, called to the normal. She is instructor in arithmetic, geography and physical culture. She is now in the summer school of Chicago university. In 1890 Mr. Edgar E. De Cow graduated with high credit and was immediately employed as an assistant instructor. After extended university work, he is professor of mathematics in the university of Oregon. Three other graduates have been employed for brief periods as substitutes or instructors. Many were very capable, but the rule has been very closely observed that no school can maintain advanced and progressive standards and have original and varied power in its instruction that to a considerable extent employs its own graduates immediately into its faculty. It has been my opportunity to visit a large number of universities, colleges and normal schools, and wherever such practice prevails there is a noticeable element of weakness. About one or at most two in ten ought to be the limit. This opinion applies more fully to high schools.

2. Such faculties as I claim that the normal unquestionably has, can be secured and constantly improved, and the same can be done for colleges and higher institutions, by successive changes as opportunity arises or can be created. And such suitable and desirable people can be discovered by keeping the attention upon the field. The wide acquaintance that the head of an institution has enables him to learn unquestionably and to know reliably about many more than he needs. He can generally know personally, if not he learns from those he knows well and thoroughly, and not from strangers and hearsay. I never selected or nominated a professor because he or she was my friend, or because one was the special friend of some one else. To accommodate persons, to give a place because a friend wished to favor some one, was never entertained. There must be a great deal more. That is the very last, not the first, reason, if considered at all.

Public welfare, the best interests of the school and pupils and permanence in usefulness are the sole aims. To admit personal interests, prejudice, favors, patronage, relationship, is to invite trouble and division, disorganization, weakness. If best work is to be secured every instructor must feel that he stands on his merit and that all his associates do.

3. There are scholars who are not teachers, and that is half. There are scholars who are so narrowly special that they do not think there is any knowledge outside their own field, and they are out of harmony with the general aim of the school. A normal school can with difficulty get along with a university graduate who has been taught that the normal school has no proper place in education, that only a professor of pedagogy is capable to tell one how to teach. We did not want such people. In our new west (hose from the far east learn with difficulty our limitations in buildings, laboratories and material. I prefer that some one else introduce them to the west and teach them harmony with our conditions. In general, the one who has first graduated from a normal and has then taken his college course is the best instructor. Of course exceptions are numerous, for all bright, able and scholarly minds learn how to teach, if they have love for it and enthusiasm in it.

4. I have learned more and more that sound, accurate scholarship, knowledge of subject matter and liberal culture arc necessary and the prerequisites of a good teacher. As the faculty list shows, this part of the school has been improved and held very high. The aim has been to make it as excellent as possible. English, and Latin and English hold a prominent place, and history demands a strong position, but science, mathematics, mental science and others go along with them for precision and usefulness. Sound scholarship in all was insisted upon, and no preference  was given. Just as able and capable instructors were sought and kept in the latter as in the former subjects and expenditure, so far as possible to be made at all, is made for one as freely as for the others. It has nevertheless been apparent that there was greater need in the first place of advancement toward a fair mastery of English, history, civics and similar work. The English language, history and government must be known well by a teacher who is to train citizens. Thorough equipment in English is a high requisite in the teacher.

5. Are thorough scholarship, liberal studies, science and mental culture, and the education they give, enough? Do they alone make the teacher? Is it sufficient, in addition to these, to study pedagogy and the science of teaching? No. There must be al! these, and they must be followed by a course in scientific methods and by practical teaching daily under the best trained and most skilled critic teachers. All the rest is academic work; this finally makes the teacher. That is the uniform tenor of our experience. Those academically trained can often, in time. learn how to teach grades and high school classes. Here is the point of conflict between the colleges or universities and the normal schools. They adjust their courses and put in a chair of pedagogy and declare that the state normal schools are unnecessary. They have been trained to believe so and they teach others the same belief. So the idea is propagated and spread. What do most, nine-tenths, of these gentlemen know about normal schools except as they have learned it thus from other chairs of pedagogy? But it may be confessed that some state normal schools have in a considerable measure adopted the university idea of putting knowledge and pedagogy in exclusion of practical training. As well try to make surgeons without dissection, the clinic and the hospital practice; to make lawyers by lectures without the moot courts; to make electrical and mechanical engineers without the laboratory or the shop. On the other hand, universities and colleges arc learning that they too must have training schools to prepare real teachers. Each of the state universities has one or more professors whose chief duty it is to visit the high schools of their states and inspect the teaching therein. Among these Mr. Albert W. Tressler is inspector of schools for the University of Wisconsin. An advanced graduate of the University of Michigan, he writes in the Michigan Alumnus for April 1904: "While the departments have rendered a great service to education in a general way and are still indispensible in the preparation of teachers, they do not practically prepare graduates to teach. Courses in the history and philosophy of education, in the theory and art of teaching, and in managing schools arc of great values in the training of the teacher, but they must be related to observation and practice. Practice courses have for a long time been considered necessary in preparation for all professions except teaching. In this most difficult art, skill is lo be acquired only by blundering on and learning from experience. In many quarters doubt has been expressed concerning the feasibility of practice courses. That the problem is not insoluble has been frequently demonstrated. The practice courses should be a part of the teachers' courses definitely related to the subject of method. Many of the teachers' courses do not touch upon methods of teaching the subject even in theory, to say nothing of practice. Teachers who have taken these so-called teachers courses, expecting to receive practical suggestions and assistance, have been disappointed. Fortunately, here and there a professor has made this course a really practical one."

This fairly states the case. In territorial days the education of teachers was encouraged by every lawful means, and private and denominational schools were started and certain courses in them were by law recognized as fitting teachers for official recognition. When the territory and the state provided normal training schools these colleges went on in the old way and were still recognized. So we had two standards, the educated and practically trained teacher and the simply educated teacher. The state's recognition was much easier of attainment by the latter, and the state normal and training schools suffered. At one time some committee "revised" the school law and almost left out the graduates of the state schools. The decisions of  the state superintendent under another law finally excused the colleges from giving practical training. The last school law cut the first state certificate to normal graduates down to two years, to equalize them with the private schools. Thus it went on for about twenty years, and the state normals were much more objects of opposition by the colleges than was the state university. Connected from its foundation with Yankton College, I was never opposed in any manner to the colleges except in this particular, and just as much to Yankton College in that respect as to any other. If this be taken as unfriendly to the colleges generally, it will be a mistaken inference. As to the idea of making teachers without training by those not well acquainted, if at all, with real normal school work, it must be left to their consciences and to the state. The writer has no power over it, and desires none. A great school system and strong body of capable teachers cannot be built up in that way. The state ought to have and to prefer its own better way. In the long run the results would be more favorable to the genuine work and the permanent prosperity of all such colleges.

The Madison state normal aimed in all its history chiefly and almost solely to educate and train grade teachers and to fit a body of excellent rural teachers. Not the number, so much as the quality of those it should graduate, was the rule of its standards. By lowering these it might have doubled the number of students and graduates, but it has steadily advanced the standards. It has thus had a better influence upon the education of the schools.

No board of control nor any single member of any board has ever suggested a different course, but for sixteen years the progressive advance was supported by all, as it seemed to be also by the governors of the state of whatever party.

It may have been different with this school than with the other state educational institutions, but I judge the motive was the same toward all. It has not been my privilege to know much about them. Since coming here in 1889 the duties have held me close, summer and winter, in the main, and it has been ten years since I was within the walls of one of them, except possibly at a state association meeting. It must be clear that in fact as well as propriety I am not writing about the work or merit of other state institutions or their officers. This school was visited by the governors of the state, except Gov. Mellette, who doubtless was unable to do it. These gentlemen all expressed and showed a friendly interest in its welfare and usefulness, and by their cordial words inspired greater effort. This helpful interest was especially marked on the part of Governor Andrew E. Lee. This is mentioned specially, because he was of another party. Governor Charles H. Sheldon visited us more often, and his daughter for some time and son for shorter period were students in it. I recall no one more steadfast in friendship than Governor Herreid.

As were the governors, so were the regents appointed by them; those named by Governor Lee were as cordial in their support and management as the appointees of any Republican governor. So far as I know, a good understanding was always maintained and I sought, as the faculties all did, to carry out and obey all their advice and directions. Temporary misunderstandings will arise in so long a period and with so many different members, but never to last. No doubt there was here and there in the sixteen years a member of the board who, approached by unfriendly or false suggestions, would at the time have been willing to displace me, but the board did not agree to any such proposition. Not one of them could say that I sought to influence them by methods other than regular, official and direct communication, certainly not by special and peculiar means. It will sufficiently appear from these general statements that one seeking to do his duty need not fear from the men under whom I served. I am aware that the regents are sometimes assailed with criticism, and I do not enter upon the question beyond their relations to this institution. That far it seems not indelicate for me to speak as I have about my superiors and their considerate treatment of this institution. They have deserved my personal gratitude and do not depend upon my favor in any way whatever. I am yet their servant and through them of the state.

About local influences, combinations, cliques, and the like, there is nothing worth saying. The school has had the support and fair co-operation of the people of Madison and Lake county as a community, and personally I have felt the friendly interest of nearly every citizen. In the whole time four or five different persons have been active in opposition, and probably temporarily influenced others, but I feel no resentment whatever toward any of them or theirs. Life is too serious for that. The respect and confidence of my students, I am doubly assured, were always constant. Regard for students is most natural in a teacher or a president, and he is unworthy if he does not win their good will. This is especially true of those who become graduates. These he knows best and can serve most. Except when temporarily and unavoidably absent, I gave my undivided time and hard labor to the school and its members. When so absent at one time, a rumor that I would not be continued was heard by the students, and wholly of their own accord, and without my knowledge, they all, except one, drew and signed a petition for my reappointment. It was not presented or made known to the board. And now, when I have retired to easier duty in the chair of history, the greatest reward I have or could desire is the good feeling, sympathy and love that they show toward me. That can never be lost. It was testified to by the class of 1905 and the previous graduates in the "Anemone."' which they printed as a testimonial without my knowledge. Anyone who has read that will know why it is so difficult for me to express my gratitude and love toward all of them Wherever they may go. while I live, my interest must follow them.

They were, all in all, a splendid body of men and women— graduates and students. Usually those who attend a strictly normal school have formed a determined purpose in life. Generally they are old enough to have formed an established character. They soon learn how to best use all their time. Such a faculty awakens a new spirit and higher aim in them. To a singularly high number they were or became members of the various Christian churches. They have their Christian association, in which all join or may unite, whether members of a church or not, and in it nearly all do participate. They repeatedly and courteously decline to connect themselves with the college Christian associations, thereby putting some creed, test or other bar before anyone who might otherwise share in their common work. Their motto might well have been, "All for each and each for all." At times, and especially in the week before Easter (before it was a vacation), they met every evening and pastors of the local churches, including Monsignor Flynn, vicar of the Catholic diocese, gave brief addresses. It is open to question if any other method is so successful. And it is not surprising that three-quarters and sometimes more of classes from twenty to forty-five went forth as Christian young men and young women. All this was done without disturbing in the least the home and childhood faith of a single one. When the students assembled in September and January, their church preferences were taken on cards and lists were sent to the several pastors of those preferring their churches. These pastors and the young people's societies invited them and sometimes joined in a general reception to all. These experiences and practices are recited to show why it is not surprising when I say that out of all the several hundred graduates of the Madison normal, every living member is a reputable, honorable and law-abiding citizen. Not one vicious life has come out of the list.

As to the ability and success of these graduates as teachers, the entire state knows. They have proved their worthiness, and many of them have been chosen to high places in the best city schools of many other states. Their success has commended them widely to higher salaries than South Dakota could pay. This was the work of the entire faculty, not mine.

The model or practice school is essential to the work of a state normal school, and the Madison school has maintained one from the day of its organization. This is in reality a public school, receiving all applicants from any part of the state to the extent of its accommodations and without discrimination. The larger numbers of its members are from Madison, a few from the adjacent county and now and then one from elsewhere, coming with older normal students. They all belong to the children of public school age of South Dakota, except when a kindergarten class is formed. All was apparently satisfactory, and no children in the state were better cared for or educated than these, but the legislature passed an act that in the school census and as a basis for the apportionment of public school money by the state, all children who so attend a state institution should not be counted.

Now the state constitution provides in Article VIII education and the school lands, in Section 2, that "the interest and income" (from the sources provided) "shall be apportioned among and between all the several public school corporations of the state in proportion to the number in each, of school age, as may be fixed by law." And that law is being rigidly enforced, and many children in several towns of the state arc thus discriminated against and in a manner disfranchised. The constitution docs not permit public, city or district school attendance to be made a basis of apportionment. The section was directly aimed to prevent that and to make children of lawful school age the only possible basis. Legislation in the constitution was discussed in 1885 and 1889, but all slates do this, especially concerning education. Here is a statute directly contravening the clear requirement of the constitution in process of regular enforcement. It would seem from the language of the statute that it would not apply to a practice school in any other than a state institution.


The State School Lands

It has been a pleasure to publicly commend the management of the commissioners of school and public lands of the great trust they exercise under the constitution and the laws, and the faithful care of the governors and other state officers in their relations to this important public duty. Under the policy in force the duties have been admirably executed, and nothing has added more than this to the fair name and pride of the state. These lands and the school fund have been the best general advertisement the state has enjoyed. In the fight for them, all that the policy has proved to be was claimed.. The rapid development of the state after admission was forecast on the record of the other states of the northwest previously admitted. The argument was added that as the public domain had been so greatly lessened and the population of the nation so greatly increased, the advance in land values in South Dakota would be more and more rapid as well as continuous. All that was claimed is being realized. There is one unsolved issue; shall the school lands be further sold. As early as 1884 I took the ground in my report of that year that it would be wise not to sell but to lease the lands, and thus secure the school fund beyond danger of loss and to gain an increasing fund and income. Unquestionably, if the lands shall be sold at current prices and those likely to accrue, the resulting fund will be so great as to be difficult to manage. The interest rate, already reduced from six to five per cent, must be further reduced as the fund increases. Already such states as Minnesota, that by wise management has secured a large state fund, are buying bonds of other states that bring as low as three and a half per cent. When our state demand is met, we shall be in the same market. Everyone can reason on this line to his own satisfaction. The late issue of two per cent Panama canal bonds by the United States already sell at over $104.

Another increasing danger will be to the safety of the vast fund. No citizen of the state could as treasurer give bonds to the extent of more than one-tenth of the probable thirty millions to be produced by the school and endowment lands—the educational foundations. The vast funds of the great insurance companies already compete sharply with our school funds in the eastern parts of our state. It seems from the past that this competition will increase. The hankers of the state, who must be prepared by all their interests to accommodate the varying demands of business, credit and funds, already begin to feel the effects of these two lines of competition.

So far the school fund loans have been an advantage to the state in reducing the high interest charges and in bringing direct and visible relief to the schools. The demand that those who are   laboring to create homes and develop the farms should have benefit from the school lands has been met. The productive fund is larger than it was in Iowa, or Wisconsin, or Minnesota at the same period after statehood. It must be much larger than it now is before another policy can be put into operation.

It may be taken for granted that the general policy of holding the educational lands for higher values caused by the settlement of the country has universal popular approval. Would not the state's approval be now given more readily to the plan to lease and not to sell the school lands than it was in 1885 to the present policy? We think this is also unquestionable, and that in twenty years more that plan would be as generally approved as the present one has been. This, of course, is opinion only, but it is based upon sounder and more certain facts than the present system had before its trial by any state. Everyone can see how much was lost by selling the school lands in the southeast quarter of the state. The same will appear true as to all the state east of the Missouri in another fifteen years.

As the endowment and some of the school land arc in masses, they might be sold, leaving only the original school lands in place, or not more than three or four sections might be left unsold and held for rent in a township; or some similar plan could meet the objections that lie against holding lands in masses. While the state could not permit its lands to be taxed, it might return three, five or some per cent of rentals received to be paid into the county school and general funds where the lands lie. It would not be difficult to arrange and accommodate every condition that exists and hold all the lands for rent.

The leases might be for twenty-five or even fifty years, which is longer than the average time lands are held by one family in the west generally. With such a term the lessee could improve, plant groves and carry out all the usual plans of any farmer. Besides, he would have equal privilege to lease for another term. Rentals would be payable each year in advance. Leaseholds might be transferable, like other titles or estates in lands. They could be passed by will or sublet. At least once in five years there would be needed a reappraisal to fix the rent for such period, and if the lessee felt wronged an appeal to a court could be allowed.

The entire management of the leasing would be easier, more simple and less expensive to the state than the present system of sales and loans. The belief that it is more desirable to the people, would be adopted by them and bring a larger income for the schools is my reason for favoring the plan. It could not be carried in 1885. All the arguments against it do not appear to really touch the subject. They are like those of 1885 against the ten-dollar limitation. We are holding now for a higher limit, and there is no complaint. Some wise mannered gentlemen will say now: "Oh! I think the people ought now to have some benefit from the school lands," as if that were not the sole object. It is a safe belief that under the present restricted rentals the case is proved that it is better to rent than to sell. If the fund grows large and becomes endangered, or the interest rate be greatly reduced, we shall hear radical propositions of a wholly different nature—to distribute the funds to the counties and witness a carnival of waste. There is no permanent safety and no magnificent future but in holding the fee of the lands and leasing them for general farming purposes for long terms.

Never before in its history has the state of South Dakota been so prosperous as at the present time. The crops are unequalled and excellent throughout the state. Most extensive railroad construction is in progress, and the entire state is being developed by the extension of old lines and the building of new ones. The situation is most favorable for and seems to demand the adoption of the policy suggested. It may be adopted fully by constitutional amendment, but partially only by legislative enactment. The legislature has power to advance the limitation to twenty or thirty dollars an acre, or it may forbid sales for a certain period. The limitation upon price or the prohibition of sales for a time might be made to apply only to school lands in place and not to selected and indemnity land in masses.


Revision of School Laws

Since three weeks ago this subject was referred to in these papers a movement has been started to have the governor appoint a commision, to consist in part of county superintendents, to prepare and report a carefully considered school code. This is a wise plan, which was commended in earlier pages. Would it not be wise also to have a code that would apply to all schools, high schools (full four-years courses), graded schools, of three and two years above the eighth grade, and for common or elementary schools? Would it not be well to have "a general and uniform" system of schools throughout the state as the constitution required? Then would it not be well also to have an assistant superintendent of public instruction, whose duties should be devoted to the high and graded schools, an inspector. If a code is to be drawn, may it not properly take up the whole subject and on the general basis of the work already done and reported, require harmonious and uniform system and enforce it? The entire history of the school system in territory and state shows the need of an able and carefully selected commission of experienced persons who shall draft such a general and comprehensive school code, and then carefully observe its working and amend with great prudence and reserve only as need of it shall clearly appear. In this way alone can a code be made that will meet fairly the general needs and be adjustable to others as they arise. Of course, the writer believes that it ought to be some best form of the township plan, without subdivisions except of schools and those who severally attend them. Grading, concentration and advanced schools can conveniently be provided for in no other way. And he believes that so long as other plans are followed there will grow up equal or greater dissatisfaction. That alone will bring a workable system that will approach final plan. It is believed that system will be generally demanded in a few years and therefore adopted. It is sure to come.


The Higher Educational Institutions

Nothing less than the most careful preparation would justify me in writing about the state university and the state agricultural college. Were it attempted, questions would at once arise that reach down to the present time. My experience would not afford much aid. The early relations to the board of the university were pleasant, but ended long ago. With the agricultural college there were none. Dr. Lewis McLouth, for some time president, was a college acquaintance. He was a senior while I was a freshman at Ann Arbor, and my favorable opinion of him began then. The state agricultural college till late years was more often visited by me than any other state institution, and I met and knew the few men that Dr. McLouth called there, and I have observed since that all of them have been very successful there or elsewhere. I also observed the fair popularity in Brookings of President J. W. Heston and that he had fine success in building up the attendance and good will of the students. Esteeming both of these gentlemen, I do not feel at liberty to say less or to pass them by, though the present condition there seems very favorable.

It has been my fortune in the last forty years to visit many institutions of learning and to read of many more. One point rises prominently out of that study. It is that those universities in which the college of letters and arts was first and always strong have surpassed and today are surpassing those in which industrial, mechanical and technological and other more strictly professional lines have held the leadership and prominence. There arc exclusive schools of technology that stand very high. There have been great law schools standing alone. There were great medical colleges not parts of university systems. There are few of all these now that are not included in some university. One interested may study the matter at his pleasure. Read the history and the present condition of the great schools. This formula may he written: "To build a great university, start with a strong school of liberal arts. Add other schools later, as good judgment may dictate, till the full rounded system is established, but meanwhile strengthen and enlarge the central college of literature and the arts or, more fully, literature, science and the arts." Generally, where one finds a great university, one sees that the college of liberal arts has been and is its central stronghold. It develops or draws to it all the others; neither of the others will develop or attract to it a college of literature and the arts. In the college of literature, science and the arts are the life of the university; in that arc its traditions and, great as the others may be, it holds the old leadership in traditions, sentiments and memories that cause the growth and development of all. Around it grow the affections that are never forgotten. There youth grows into manhood and womanhood and the mind and soul are by it developed into aspiration, power and enduring zeal. Take any number of those who have taken the course in literature and the arts and later a course in the same institution leading to some profession—medicine, engineering, law or the like—and all their traditions of a broad college spirit and love will go back to the years of that liberal course, while those toward the professional school will be limited and special.

There are, however, a great many who take courses in the professional schools only. Is there among them that loyalty and fealty, those traditions and dearer memories that show themselves in the reunions and general enthusiasm of the graduates of the liberal college? This is all most natural, and will continue as it has in the past. It is, therefore, to be considered as important alike in the older as in the younger institution. It must be counted upon in the whole plan for the evolution of a university from the first and to the end. When a university is begun upon an industrial basis and grows strongly in the direction of applied science, mechanics, engineering and gainful occupations, there is a very different situation from that found in one where the college of liberal arts was early strong and has been maintained vigorously while the others were developed. When "practical" education has possession and gainful callings command the attention, it is a task of the greatest difficulty to create, enlarge and make duly prominent the work of the liberal college.

There are examples of both kinds. It is not because in all cases the liberal college was first that these arguments seem to arise, for there arc universities begun largely upon the other plan where able men are struggling hard to gain a due place for the college of liberal arts, but with slow and toilsome progress. The college proper is the nurse of the democratic spirit noticeable in American institutions. It does not develop to a like extent in the professional and technical departments. If the college proper be not strong in the university, the institution loses control of the advanced high school education of its state, and this passes into the hands of other colleges or remains long weak and defective. The college proper is the fostering mother of larger education generally in the state, or should be.

Hon. Charles Francis Adams, who is called "generally controversial, but always shrewdly observant and stimulating in his comments," has attacked Harvard (his own) and universities generally upon their organization, and especially the extreme of their elective systems, saying that this is unscientific and mischievous, a fad. He says that it assumes that the boy of eighteen is qualified to determine what courses he shall pursue in preparation for life, that he follows inclination not judgment, takes that which is easiest and not what he most needs. He would break academic Harvard up into a number of colleges, where something like earlier days could exist, where close contact with students might be bad by the several "masters." The master should know every student and individuality could have its powerful play, and courses be selected for the students severally. The college courses would be prescribed and electives would be in the university proper and under the advice and permission of the "master" or president of each college. There is much to commend Mr. Adams' demands. The free elective system strictly belongs to more mature students, or should largely be confined to graduate students, as it is in Germany, whence the idea was transplanted. Otherwise we shall more and more train one-sided men. There is need of a more rounded education, that every student may be prepared for each of the more special university courses and be a widely useful and capable citizen, as well as a person of expert professional learning and skill. All departments of a university arc equally honorable, commendable and useful, in their proper places. The courses of the colleges of liberal arts have been enlarged and liberalized to a great degree, and are a suitable basis for all the professional and technical schools. The electives begin too early. They are now demanded and permitted even in the high school courses, and are thought of in the common schools. The state has its first purpose and legal justification for required public free schools and their endowment with lands, funds and taxation in the need for intelligent citizenship in our American democracies, and this is not met by skill and industrial ability alone. The English language and all its literature, the history of our own land and of those from which our people and institutions were derived, and the nature and machinery of our government, are equally essential. The marvelous progress of our manufactures and commerce connects us with every people in the world. We have state, national and international duties, relations and reforms of increasing importance, all necessary to guard and protect the vast trade we produce. The farmers of South Dakota are interested in the affairs of the whole world, which affect them directly or indirectly all the time.

One can sec in many of the more "practical" schools a subordination of all the broad preparation to the aim of gainful employment, and many, in some cases most, of the young men hurrying forward to a graduation with enough skill to be taken directly into the hire of the big manufacturers and trusts at salaries of $70 to $90 per month, at most. Serving these and looking to them for support, they become their servants and defenders. They are not prepared for the great questions of the day and hour, and their needs and wages make them subservient and not free in the broader field of citizenship as they would be with the broader and more liberal education and preparation. Happily, they arc not all so situated; but is there not danger in this commercial life that so nearly all will be absorbed in the money getting, and in the specialized training that leads quickest to it, that the increasing complexity of state, national .and international affairs will be left to the few? Possibly this is too true already and has permitted opportunity for the graft against which the conscience of the people has been aroused, even yet inadequately. The socialist leaders speak on our Chautauqua and other platforms for an era of industrial training and independence, where every individual right shall be enlarged and secured, leaving unnoticed and not understood the historic development and present diverse attitude on these issues in England, Belgium and France. Broad, liberal and intelligent education should be their first and leading topic. The best possible education of alt the people should be the watchword; the training in citizenship a leading aim in the schools, from the primary to and through the university. And at the end of the course, the capital of the column, let us have the great university, and in that make the college of literature, science and the arts the central stronghold.

It is time to close those sketches, discussions and essays. Practically all have been written in the month of July, 1906, under difficulties, recent severe illness, and the right hand still partly disabled from broken joints. In a strict sense it is not history, but a free-hand discussion of events, personal reminiscenses and memoirs. They are written without access to records, in the main from memory. There is no time to rearrange or rewrite, except a few pages. It goes as it leaves my pen. The consideration of critics is asked.



Supplementary Note by W. H. H. Beadle.

In these reminiscences and discussions no full and clear statement was made about the project or offer to buy a large block of the school lands by speculators. I was under obligations not to expose it definitely while the parties were living. The last of August this year, after these papers were written, I received final evidence of the death of the last and the principal spokesman of the group. Their suggestion or proposition, early in 1884, was that if no high limitation were placed upon the sale of the school and endowment lands by the state constitution, they would make an offer to the first state legislature, or government, to purchase one million acres of these lands at five dollars per acre, the lands to be selected and paid for year by year, but all that amount within five years from the date of the contract. They were to select the lands from time to time and pay for them when the patent issued to them. This they thought that the state would readily accept and that it would give early relief to the schools and benefit the people. It will be seen that the plan would give them all the advance above five dollars per acre caused by statehood and settlement and the growth of five years. I refused to have anything to do with it or to cease from the advocacy of the ten-dollar limitation supported by the active friends of statehood. In the bills before congress at that time the limitation was two dollars and a half per acre. The gentlemen thought their offer was very reasonable. They were not Dakotans in the strict sense, never became actual citizens. To the leader, a business man of high repute at his home, who asked it before making known fully their plan, I promised not to expose them by name and not to publish the plan till after his death. There was no consideration whatever offered to me then or at any time in the matter. It was not very far from the time when 1 was offered employment at a salary of $3,000 per year, but I must declare that I never could find the slightest evidence that this offer was connected with their plan, but some evidence and al{ appearance that the salary offer was a perfectly independent matter and wholly legitimate. This scheme was one of the causes for greater vigor than ever in pushing the advocacy of the proposed constitutional limitation to the last minute and its final success at Sioux Falls.

Some general argument drawn from the big land holdings in North Dakota and declarations of danger to the school lands in the future state from capitalist speculators were made in our discussions, and they had their effect. So it came to be vaguely understood and is mentioned in history that some such scheme was on foot. The foregoing is the story of it. It went no farther then. It was upon my conscience heavily to expose it should the constitutional provision have failed and any such offer have been presented to the state. The scheme made it more pressing to win at Sioux Falls if possible, and the final decision of the committee and the convention was the most joyful news I ever received. This proposal influenced somewhat the language of Article VIII of the constitution, and the reader of that can see clauses that would circumvent every such plan. I have not till this time been at liberty to write this statement. My pledge may be reflected upon, but it was obtained in advance and had  no other effect than to redouble efforts for the present plan.


Check for Sioux Falls to be spelled correctly.  Keeps coming up Sioux Falls or other variations.



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