The Parish of James City.—No. 2.

As it is an important object with the writer to furnish proofs of the benevolent and religious spirit which actuated the friends and patrons of the Colony, before proceeding with our narrative we invite the attention of the reader to the two following documents. The first was written in the year 1612, and may be found in a pamphlet entitled "The New Life of Virginia, "and shows the spirit of the author toward the Indians."

And for the poor Indians, what shall I say? but God, that hath many ways showed mercy to you, make you show mercy to them and theirs, and howsoever they may seem unto you so intolerably wicked and rooted in mischief that they cannot be moved, yet consider rightly and be not discouraged. They are no worse than the nature of Gentiles, and even of those Gentiles so heinously deciphered by St. Paul, to be full of wickedness, haters of God, doers of wrong, such as could never be appeased, and yet himself did live to see that by the fruits of his own labours (sic) many thousands even of them became true believing Christians, and of whose race and offspring consisteth (well-near) the whole Church of God at this day. This is the work that we first intended, and have published to the world, to be chief in our thoughts, to bring those Infidel people from the worship of Devils to the service of God. And this is the knot that you must untie or cut asunder, before you can conquer those sundrie impediments that will surely hinder all other proceedings, if this be not first preferred."

Take their children and train them up with gentleness, teach them our English tongue and the principles of religion. Win the elder sort by wisdom and discretion ; make them equal to you English in case of protection, wealth, and habitation, doing justice on such as shall do them wrong. Weapons of war are needful, I grant, but for defence (sic) only, and only in this case. If you seek to gain this victory upon them by stratagems of war, you shall utterly lose it, and never come near it, but shall make your names odious to all their posterity. Instead of iron and steel, you must have patience and humanity, to manage their crooked nature to your form of civility; for as our proverb is, 'Look, how you win them so you must wear them:' if by way of peace and gentleness, then shall you always bring them in love to youwards (sic), and in peace with your English people, and, by proceeding in that way, shall open the springs of earthly benefits to them both, and of safety to yourselves."

The following extracts are from" A Prayer for the Morning and Evening Use of the Watch or Guard, to be offered up either by the Captain himself, or some one of his principal men or officers." It was probably prepared by Mr. Crashaw, and sent out with Mr. Whittaker. It furnishes a just view of the religion of that day,—at any rate, of those who were engaged in this enterprise.

It is also a fair specimen of the theology and devotion of the English Reformers. While it is in faithful keeping with the prayers of our Common Prayer Book, it shows that our forefathers did not object to, but freely used, other prayers besides those in the Prayer Book. The reader is requested not to pass over it, but to read it in a prayerful spirit:—

"Merciful Father, and Lord of Heaven and Earth, we come before thy presence to worship thee, in calling upon thy name, and giving thanks unto thee. And though our duties and our very necessities call us hereunto, yet we confess our hearts to be so dull and untoward, that unless thou be merciful to us to teach us how to pray, we shall not please thee, nor profit ourselves in these duties.

"We, therefore, most humbly beseech thee to raise up our hearts with thy good Spirit, and so to dispose us to prayer, that with true fervour (sic) of heart, fueling of our wants, humbleness of mind, and faith in thy gracious promises, we may present our suits acceptably unto thee by our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ."

"And now, 0 blessed Lord, we are desirous to come unto thee, how wretched soever in ourselves; yea, our very wretchedness sends us unto thee, with whom the fatherless and he that hath no helper findeth mercy. We come to thee in thy Son's name, not daring to come in our own. In his name that cares for us we come to thee, in his mediation whom thou hast sent. In him, O Father, in whom thou hast professed thyself to be well pleased, we come unto thee, and do most humbly beseech thee to pity us, and to save us for thy mercies' sake in him."

"0 Lord, our God, our sins have not outbidden that blood of thy Holy Son which speaks for our pardon, nor can they be so infinite as thou art in thy mercies; and our hearts, 0 God! (thou seest them,) our hearts are desirous to have peace with thee, and war with our lusts, and wish that they could melt before thee, and be dissolved into godly mourning, for all that filth that hath gone through them and defiled them."

"0 Lord! O Lord our God! thou hast dearly bought us for thine own self: give us so honest hearts as may be glad to yield the possession of thine own, and be thou so gracious, as yet to take them up, though we have desperately held thee out of them in time past; and dwell in us and reign in us by thy Spirit, that we may be sure to reign with thee in thy glorious kingdom, according to thy promise, through him that hath purchased that inheritance for all that trust in him."

"And now, 0 Lord of mercy! 0 Father of the spirits of all flesh look in mercy upon the Gentiles who yet know thee not! And seeing thou hast honoured (sic) us to choose us out to bear thy name unto the Gentiles, we therefore beseech thee to bless us, and this our plantation, which we and our nation have begun in thy fear, and for thy glory. We know O Lord! we have the Devil and all the gates of Hell against us; but if thou, 0 Lord, be on our side, we care not who be against us ! Oh, therefore vouchsafe to be our God, and let us be a part and portion of thy people; confirm thy covenant of grace and mercy with us, which thou hast made to thy Church in Christ Jesus. And seeing, Lord, the highest end of our plantation here is to set up the standard and display the banner of Jesus Christ even here where Satan's throne is, Lord, let our labour (sic) be blessed in labouring (sic) for the conversion of the heathen. And because thou usest not to work such mighty works by unholy means, Lord, sanctify our spirits, and give us holy hearts, that so we may be thy instruments in this most glorious work."

"And whereas we. have, by undertaking this plantation, undergone the reproofs of this base world, insomuch as many of our own brethren laugh us to scorn, O Lord, we pray thee fortify us against this temptation !"

"And seeing this work must needs expose us to many miseries and dangers of soul and body by land and sea, O Lord! we earnestly beseech thee to receive us into thy favour (sic) and protection, defend us from the delusions of the Devil, the malice of the heathen, the invasions of our enemies, and mutinies and dissensions of our own people. Knit our hearts altogether in faith and fear of thee, and love one to another; give us patience, wisdom, and constancy to go on through all difficulties and temptations, till this blessed work be accomplished for the honour (sic) of thy name and glory of the gospel of Jesus Christ!"

"And here, O Lord ! we do upon the knees of our hearts offer thee the sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving for that thou hast moved our hearts to undertake the performance of this blessed work with the hazard of our person, and hast moved the hearts of so many hundreds of our nation to assist it with means and' provision, and with their holy prayers. Lord, look mercifully upon them all, and for that portion of their substance which they willingly offer for thy honour (sic) and service in this action, recompense it to them and theirs, and reward it sevenfold into their bosoms, with better blessings. Lord, bless England, our sweet native country! Have it, from Popery, this land from heathenism, and both from Atheism. And, Lord, hear their prayers for us, and us for them, and Christ Jesus, our glorious Mediator, for us all. Amen!"

We now proceed with the history. The services of Lord De la War were of short duration, being obliged to return to England early in 1611, by reason of ill health. Before his arrival in England, the Council had sent Sir Thomas Dale, giving him the title of High-Marshal of Virginia, with a fresh supply of men and provisions, and with the Rev. Alexander Whittaker, between whom and Sir Thomas there appears to have ever been a strong attachment. They remained together at Jamestown until the arrival of Sir Thomas Gates, in the same year, with full powers as Governor, when Sir Thomas Dale, the High-Marshal, by agreement with the Governor, went higher up the river, with Mr. Whittaker and three hundred and fifty men, to establish two new positions,—one of them called New Bermuda, in what is now Chesterfield county, in the angle formed by James River and the Appomattox, and which afterward assumed and still retains the name of Bermuda Hundred;

The other was five or six miles higher up, on the opposite side of the river, on what was called Farrar's Island, though it was, as Jamestown, only a peninsula. This was called Henrico City. In both of them churches were built, and small villages established, and Mr. Whittaker was the minister of both, alternately residing at each of them. As these were the first establishments after Jamestown, and are intimately connected in their history with that of Jamestown, the governors sometimes residing at Bermuda, we shall unite them together in our notices, until the destruction of Henrico in the great massacre of 1622. The Rev. Alexander Whittaker was the son of that eminent theologian of Cambridge who took part in drawing up the Lambeth Articles in the year 1595, and was, as his various writings show, one of the first theologians and controversialists of his day. lie was the friend and companion of Hooker, and sympathized with him in his doctrinal views. The son, Alexander Whittaker, was a graduate of Cambridge, and had been for some years a minister in the North of England, beloved and well supported by his people, with a handsome inheritance from his parents. Crashaw says, " that having, after many distractions and combats with himself, (according to his own acknowledgment,) settled his resolution that God called him to Virginia, and therefore he would go, he accordingly made it good, notwithstanding the earnest dissuasions of some of his nearest friends, and the great discouragements which he daily heard of, touching the business and country itself." Again, says the same, "He, without any persuasion but God and his own heart, did voluntarily leave his warm nest, and, to the wonder of his kindred and amazement of them that knew him, undertook this hard, but, in my judgment, heroical resolution to go to Virginia, and help to bear the name of God to the Gentiles. Men may muse at it, some may laugh, and others wonder at it; but well I know the reason. God will be glorified in his own works, and what he hath determined to do, he will find means to bring it to pass. For the perfecting of this blessed work he hath stirred up able and worthy men to undertake the manning and managing of it." Mr. Whittaker had given himself to this work for three years, but at the end of that time, instead of returning to England, as too many of the governors and other officers did, being weary of their banishment, he preached a sermon and sent it over to England, exhorting others to come over to his help, and declaring his intention to live and die in the work here.

His text is, '' Cast thy bread upon the waters, and thou shalt find it after many days." Pleading for the nations, he says, "Wherefore, my brethren, put on the bowels of compassion, and let the lamentable estate of these miserables (sic) enter into your consideration. One God created us. They have reasonable souls and intellectual faculties as well as we. We all have Adam for our common parent; yea, by nature the condition of us both is all one, the servants of sin and slaves of the Devil. Oh, remember, I beseech you, what was the state of England before the Gospel was preached in our country." The whole sermon is full of such passages. In the year 1614, after having spent three years at Bermuda Hundred: and Henrico, Sir Thomas Dale now removed to Jamestown, and, as Mr. Anderson affirms, Whittaker returned with him to that place. If so, he must, either before or after Sir Thomas's return to England in 1611», have gone back again to his old congregations, for, in the year 1617, Governor Argal, who succeeded Sir Thomas Dale, writes to the Council, from Bermuda Hundred, lifting that a minister may be sent there, as Mr. Whittaker was drowned, and Mr. Wickham was unable to administer the sacraments. From this, it is probable that Mr. Wickham had been his curate, in deacons' orders. I am aware that there is a letter ascribed to a Rev. Mr. Stockam, and said to be dedicated to Mr. Whittaker, at a later period. But this letter of the Governor, declaring his death by drowning, would seem to be of higher authority. Within the period of which we have been discoursing, and during the ministry of Mr. Whittaker and the office of Dale as High-Marshal, there occurred some things in the Colony • which deserve to be considered,—viz.: the conversion of Pocahontas to the Christian faith, her baptism, and marriage to John Rolph. The places of her residence, and of her baptism and marriage, have been matter of discussion, and are not unworthy of notice. As to the place of her birth and residence, there ought to be no doubt. Her father, the great King Powhatan, lived chiefly on York River, on the Gloucester side, some miles above York.

Here, or at a place higher up, it was that Captain Smith was brought captive, and that Pocahontas saved his life. From one of these places, she occasionally visited Jamestown, and there doubtless became acquainted with Rolph, a young man of good family and education from England, between whom and herself an attachment was formed. In the year 1612, Captain Argal, afterwards Governor for a short time, went up the Potomac River in quest of provisions, and finding, accidentally, that Pocahontas was there, artfully contrived to get her on hoard of his vessel, and carried her prisoner to Jamestown, in order by that means to get back from her father some of our men and arms, and implements of husbandry which he had, from time to time, stolen from the Colony.

But he did not succeed in the effort. At this time, Sir Thomas Dale and Mr. Whittaker were up the river, engaged in their duties at Henrico and Bermuda Hundred. It is most probable that Pocahontas was carried up the river to Sir Thomas and Mr. Whittaker, as being a more distant place, and one of greater safety, since her father might have attempted her rescue, or she her escape from Jamestown, the place being so much nearer to Powhatan's residence. Certain it is that, in the following year, Sir Thomas himself went on the same errand, up York River,— then called Charles River,—in a vessel, and succeeded in getting the prisoners and property from Powhatan. He took Pocahontas with him, and got her brothers to come on board and see her. She did not now wish to return to her father, (for she was engaged to Mr. Rolph,) and she did not go on shore to see him, as he might have forced her to stay.

Sir Thomas, however, on leaving, caused the fact of her engagement to be made known to her father, who was quite pleased, and, in ten days, sent over his old uncle, Opachisco, and two of his sons, to bear his consent, and be present at the marriage. It is, therefore, altogether probable that the marriage took place at Jamestown, where Sir Thomas would stop to deliver to Governor Gates an account of the success of his expedition. From thence, they no doubt returned to Henrico, which was their residence until they went to England, with Governor Dale, in 1(316. This I think to be the true account, from an examination of all the documents on the subject.

As to the question whether her baptism was before or after marriage, there are some conflicting testimonies. Mr. Stith, in his History of Virginia, says,—

"All this while, Sir Thomas Dale, Mr. Whittaker, minister of Bermuda Hundred, and Mr. Rolph, her husband, were very careful and assiduous in instructing Pocahontas in the Christian religion; and she, on her part, expressed an earlier desire and showed great capacity for learning. After she had been tutored for *some time, she openly renounced the idolatry of her country, confessed the faith of Christ, and was baptized by the name of Rebecca. But her real name, it seems, was originally Matoax, which the Indians carefully concealed from the English, and changed it to Pocahontas, out of a superstitious fear, lest they, by a knowledge of her true name, should be enabled to do her some hurt. She was the first Christian Indian in these parts, and perhaps the sincerest and most worthy that has ever been since. And now she has no manner of desire to return to her father; neither could she well endure the brutish manners or society of her own nation.

Her affection for her husband was extremely constant and true; and he, on the other hand, underwent great torment and pain, out of his violent passion and tender solicitude for her.

"From tbe foregoing, we would infer that her marriage preceded her baptism. On what authority Mr. Stith (who wrote his work in 1746) relied, I know not, but the following testimony from Sir Thomas Dale, in 1614, is certainly to be preferred. In a letter to the Bishop of London, dated June 18, 1614, he thus writes:—

"Powhatan's daughter I caused to be carefully instructed in the Christian religion, who, alter she had made some good progress therein, renounced publicly her country's idolatry, openly confessed her Christian faith, was, as she desired, baptized, and is since married to an English gentleman of good understanding, as by his letter unto me, containing the reasons of his marriage of her, you may perceive,) another knot to bind this peace the stronger. Her father and friends gave approbation to it, and her uncle gave her to him in the Church. She lives civilly and lovingly with him, and I trust will increase in goodness, as the knowledge of God increaseth in her. She will go into England with me; and, were it but the gaining of this one soul, I will think my time, toil, and present stay well spent."

According to this communication to the Bishop of London, Sir Thomas Dale, whose return to England was delayed beyond his wishes or expectation, did, in the year 1616, carry with him Mr. Rolph and his wife. Her son, Thomas Rolph, was born while she was in England. On her return, she suddenly died, at Gravesend. The husband returned to this country, being made Recorder and Secretary to the Colony. The son, after being educated in England by his uncle, Henry Rolph, returned to America, and lived at Henrico, where his parents had formerly lived, and afterward became a person of fortune and distinction in the Colony.

"Concerning the reception and behaviour (sic) of Pocahontas in London, I shall only give the account which Purchas, the celebrated compiler of the many treatises called " Purchas's Pilgrims," has handed down to us:— "

She did not only accustom herself to civilitie (sic), but still carried herself as the daughter of a King, arid was accordingly respected, not only by the company, (London Company,) which allowed provision for herself and son; but of divers particular persons of honour (sic), in their hopeful zeal by her to advance Christianity. I was present when my honourable (sic) and reverend patron, the Lord-Bishop of London, Dr. King, entertained her with festival, and state, and pomp, beyond what I have seen in his great hospitalitie (sic) afforded to other ladies. At her return towards Virginia, she came to Gravesend, to her end and grace, having given great demonstration of her Christian sincerity, as the first fruits of Virginian conversions, leaving here a godly memory and the hopes of her resurrection, her soul aspiring to see and enjoy presently in Heaven what here she had joyed to hear and believe of her beloved Saviour."

Old Churches, Ministers, and Families of Virginia (extract)

By Bishop William Meade, Philadelphia, J. B. Lippincott Company. 1891, pgs 81-88

ARTICLE V.

The Pariah of James City.—No. 3.

THE history of Rolph and Pocahontas is so identified with that of Virginia, and with the Church of Virginia, that it deserves more than a passing notice. The account usually given of it is too often considered as an interesting and highly-exaggerated romance, though founded on the fact of the first marriage of an Englishman with an Indian. From an accurate examination of all the early statements concerning the two persons, and the circumstances of their marriage, we are persuaded that there is as little of romance or exaggeration about it as can well be. On the part of Pocahontas, she was the daughter of the noblest and most powerful of the native kings of North America, who by his superior wisdom and talents had established his authority over all the tribes from James River to the Potomac, from Kiquotan or Hampton to the falls of James River, or what is now Richmond, with the exception of that on the Chickohomini.

We read of two of his sons, and another of his daughters, who also rose superior to the rest of their race. Of one of the sons, Nantaquaus, Captain Smith says that he was " the most manliest, comeliest, boldest spirit I ever saw in a savage," and of his sister. Pocahontas, that she had "a compassionate pitiful heart." The other daughter Sir Thomas Dale endeavoured (sic) without success to obtain, with a view to another alliance with some English gentleman. But Pocahontas was acknowledged by all to be cast in one of the first of nature's moulds, both as to person and character. She was declared to be the "nonpareil" of Captain Smith and his associates. Nor is it wonderful. At the age of twelve or thirteen, after using all her powers of persuasion to obtain the release of Captain Smith, and to save him from the sentence of death, but in vain,—when his head was laid upon the stone, and her father's huge club was uplifted by his arm, and ready to fall on the head of the prisoner, she threw herself upon him, laying her head on his, and folding her arms around him, thus moving the heart of her father, and, as Smith himself declared to the Queen, " hazarding the beating out of her own brains instead of mine." After this, her interest in Smith and the Colony. was displayed in frequent visits to it. "Jamestown with her wild train (of attendants) she as frequently visited as her father's habitation," says Smith, in a letter to the Queen, and often, by her timely warnings saved the Colony from destruction. On one occasion, when Smith and a number with him were in most imminent danger, she came along through the woods some miles, outstripping those who were seeking their destruction: "the dark night (he says in the same letter) could not affright her, but, coming through the irksome woods, with watered eyes gave me intelligence." "She was," he adds, " the first Christian of that nation ; the first who ever spoke English, or had a child in marriage." Her meeting with Smith also, in London, was very characteristic. It was unexpected by her, for she had been told that he was dead some years before. She was in the circle of the great when Smith came into her presence, and he thought it prudent and right to address her with more ceremony and state than formerly in America, out of respect to those around. This distressed her much, and she resented it, and upbraided him with not calling her his child, as he did in America, and allowing her to call him father, as she used to do; nor could he convince her to the contrary, she declaring that she would call him father. In relation to Mr. Rolph, there can be no doubt that he had conceived a strong affection for her, on account of her person, and deeply-interesting qualities, which affection was fully returned. There is extant a long and most affecting letter from Mr. Rolph to Sir Thomas Dale, declaring his wish and determination to marry her, assigning his reasons, describing his feelings, and asking the Governor's approbation. He seems to have been much concerned and troubled in mind on the subject, and calls God to witness the purity of his motives, and how deeply his conscience had been engaged in the decision, and that not until much suffering had been endured was the determination made.

The letter can only be understood by considering the character and position of Mr. Rolph. Here was a young Englishman, of family, education, and reputation, about to engage himself to an Indian girl, of a different and despised colour (sic), of different manners, uneducated, of a hated nation, not one of whom had ever yet been married to one of the meanest of the Colonists; his children, and children's children, to be regarded as an inferior race, his own prospects in life as to preferment all blasted, himself, perhaps, to be a byword and proverb. Such, doubtless, were his feelings when penning this letter.

"For still the world prevail'd, and its dread laugh,
Which scarce the firm philosopher can scorn."

Principle, religious principle, as well as pure love of female excellence, prevailed and was rewarded. Not only did Sir Thomas Dale approve and encourage the alliance, but, after writing home most favourably (sic) of it, carried them with him to England, where they were most honourably (sic) received.

It is said that King James was even a little jealous of them, lest, on returning to America, they might think, by right of inheritance from Powhatan, (a far nobler monarch than himself,) to establish themselves in rule over his Virginia territory. This was only one of the vain thoughts which found a seat in that weak and conceited monarch's mind. Nothing but good resulted from the union, and much more than is seen or acknowledged may have resulted. Instead of a race of despised semi-savages being the issue of this union, Mr. Burk, the historian of Virginia, after giving the names of some of his descendants, which have been already recorded, adds:—"so that this remnant of the imperial family of Virginia, which long ran in a single person, is now increased and branched out into a very numerous progeny. The virtues of mildness and humanity, so eminently distinguished in Pocahontas, remain in the nature of an inheritance to her posterity. There is scarcely a scion from this stock which has not been in the highest degree amiable and respectable." He also adds, " that he is acquainted with several members of this family, who are intelligent and even eloquent, and, if fortune keep pace with their merits, should not despair of attaining a conspicuous and even exalted station in the Commonwealth."

This was written in the year 1804, when Mr. Randolph of Roanoke, one of the descendants of Pocahontas, was just entering upon public life.

We are now approaching a deeply-interesting, eventful, and decisive period in the history of the Colony. Until about the year 1616, when Sir Thomas Dale returned to England, Jamestown, Henrico, and Bermuda Hundred formed nearly all of the Colony; and at that time it is probable that Mr. Bucke, at Jamestown, and Mr. Whittaker, with his curate, Wickham, were the only ministers of the Colony. During the three following years, infant settlements, planted by Sir Thomas Dale on James River, and others, by his successors, Argal and Yeardley, began to increase, and assume the forms of villages, called Hundreds, and several new ministers came over. We ascertain the names of Stockam, Meare, Hargrave, and Scale. In the year 1619, Yeardley, having visited Europe, returned with new instructions and enlarged authority. He was directed to convene the first legislative body ever held in Virginia.

Eleven boroughs sent delegates, called Burgesses, to it. Mr. Burke was still the minister at Jamestown, and opened the meeting with solemn prayers in the choir of the church, the Governor sitting in his accustomed place, the Councillors (sic) on each side of him, and the Burgesses around; after which they all went into the body of the church, and proceeded with the work of legislation. The laws, martial, moral, and divine, were now superseded by some of a different character.

The Church of England was more formally established than it ever had been before. Now all things began to assume a more regular and promising aspect. More especially was the attention of the Company in London and of pious friends in England directed to the cause of education in the Colony. Many years before this, King James had, through the Archbishop of Canterbury, called upon the Bishops and clergy of England to take up collections for a University in Virginia, for the benefit of both natives and Colonists, and the sum of £1500 had been raised for the purpose. Now an influx of charity poured in upon Virginia, especially for this object.

I have before me a paper, copied from an English record, containing a list of the following donations, during the years 1619-20-21:—" Mrs. Mary Robinson, for a church in Virginia, £200. An unknown person, £20 for communion-service, and other things for the same. A person unknown, £30, for the College communion-service, &c. A person with the signature of Dust and Ashes sent £550, in gold, to Sir Edward Sandys, for the instruction of the natives in religion and civility. Nicholas Ferrar, £330 for the same, and £24 annually. An unknown person, £10 for the Colony. For a free school in Virginia, by persons returning from the East Indies, to be called the East India School, £70. Ditto for the same, by an unknown person, £30. Ditto by a person unknown, £25. Ditto a Bible, Prayer Book, and other books worth £10." The Rev. Mr. Hargrave also gave his library.

The place selected for the College was Henrico City, before mentioned as settled by Sir Thomas Dale and Mr. Whittaker, on the north side of James River, about fifteen miles below Richmond. Not less than 15,000 acres of land were given as College lands, and for purposes connected with the Church and College, between the settlement and Richmond, by the Company in England. The East India School was to be established at Charles City,—a place somewhere in what is now the county of Charles City, and probably not far from Henrico City. The Rev. Mr. Copland, chaplain of the East India Company, who had proposed the East India School in Virginia and contributed liberally to it, was appointed by the Company to be President of the College, and general manager of all its property. The East India School, in Charles City, was to be a preparatory one to the College.

On the 13th of April, 1622, the Rev. Mr. Copland was requested by the Company to deliver a thanksgiving sermon, in London, for all the late mercies of God to the Colony, and for the bright prospects before them; but in about one month before that time, on the 22d of March, those prospects had been blasted by one of the most unexpected and direful calamities which had ever befallen the Colony. Since the marriage of Pocahontas all had been peace with the natives. The Colonists had settled themselves in various places along James River, from Kiquotan (Hampton) to Henrico, fearing no evil, although the dreadful massacre which then ensued had been secretly resolved upon for some years.

On one and the same day the attack was made on every place. Jamestown, and some few points near to it, lone escaped, having received warning of the intended attack just in time to prepare for defence (sic). Besides the destruction of houses by fire, between three and four hundred persons were put to death in the most cruel manner. Such was the effect of this assault, both in Virginia and in England, that a commission was sent over to the Governor, Sir George Yeardley, to seek for a settlement on the Eastern Shore of Virginia for those who remained.

That plan, however, was never put in execution, though steps were taken toward it. The hopes of the best friends of the Colony, and of the natives, were now overwhelmed. This, added to all preceding conflicts with the natives, and the continual defence (sic) required before the marriage of Pocahontas, produced a change in the feelings and language of many toward the natives, which we should scarce credit if the records of the same were not too well authenticated. In unison with the feelings of the English, Captain Smith, who was still alive and in England, offered himself as the commander of a company of young and valiant soldiers, to be a standing army in Virginia, going in among the tribes, inflicting vengeance for the past, and driving them out of their possessions to some place so distant from our people as to render them harmless.

The Company itself, hitherto so strong in its injunction of mild measures and the use of means for the conversion of the Indians, now says, "We condemn their bodies, the saving of whose souls we have so zealously affected. Root them out from being any longer a people,—so cursed a nation, ungrateful for all benefits and incapable of all goodness,—or remove them so far as to be out of danger or fear. War perpetually, without peace or truce. Yet spare the young for servants. Starve them by destroying their corn, or reaping it for your own use. Pluck up their weirs, ( fishing-traps.) Obstruct their hunting. Employ foreign enemies against them at so much a head. Keep a band of your own men continually upon them, to be paid by the Colony, which is to have half of their captives and plunder. He that takes any of their chiefs to be doubly rewarded. He that takes Opochancono (the chief and brother of old Powhatan, who was now dead) shall have a great and singular reward." At a somewhat later period, either an order in council or a law was passed, that "the Indians being irreconcilable enemies, every commander, on the least molestation, to fall upon them."

It may perhaps seem to some, that in giving such details of massacre and revenge I am departing from that line of ecclesiastical notices hitherto pursued. A few words will, I hope, suffice for my justification, and show that I have a sufficient reason for it. In the first fifteen years of the Colony, it must be admitted that, so far as the few ministers who belonged to it, and a good proportion of the laity taking part in it, are concerned, there is as large a share of the true missionary spirit in its conduct as is anywhere to be found, not excepting any missionary movements since apostolic days and men. But this massacre, following others which had taken place, and the little success attending the conversion of the natives in this country, or in England, whither some had been sent for Christian instruction, produced a sad revolution in public feeling.

The missionary effort was considered as a failure; the conversion, or even civilization, of the Indian, was regarded as hopeless. The Company began, and probably continued, to appropriate 5OO annually to the support of such men as Hunt. Burke, Clover, Whittaker, and other religious purposes; but that Company was, in the year 1624, dissolved by the covetous and tyrannical act of James. Where now are to be found the considerations sufficient to move- other such devoted missionaries to fill up the ranks made vacant by their death?

The Indians were now objects of dread, of hate, of persecution. A sentiment and declaration is ascribed to one of the last of the ministers who came over, "that the only way to convert the Indians was to cut the throats of their chief men and priests." It must also be acknowledged that the experience of two hundred and fifty years has proved that the North American Indian is the most unlikely subject for conversion to our religion of all the savage tribes on whom the missionary has bestowed his labour (sic). Cowper may have poured out his soul of piety and poetry over some instance of conversion among them :—

"The wretch that once sang wildly, laugh'd and danced,
Has wept a silent flood; reversed his ways ;
Is sober, meek, benevolent, and prays'
Feeds sparingly, communicates his store;
And he that stole has learn'd to steal no more."

But how many of such have there been? Pocahontas, at the end of seven or eight years, was perhaps the only trophy of the missionary labours (sic) of the Virginia Colony. In forming a judgment, therefore, of our Mother-Church, in regard to the ministers sent forth by, or issuing from her, from the time of this great failure, we must inquire into the arguments by which her clergy could henceforth be urged to come over to this Macedonia. The only persons who could be brought under their pastoral care in Virginia were now the same kind of rich and poor who abounded so much more in the country they would leave, and these were placed under the greatest imaginable difficulties of access,—scattered at great distances from each other, and along the margins of wide rivers, with scarce a village, or village church, to be seen. To the present day, how great the impediment this to the full trial of the Gospel ministry! As to the salaries and residences of ministers, we shall hereafter show that the former were most scanty and precarious, and the latter uncomfortable. For a long time, all things were most unfavourable (sic) for usefulness as well as comfort.

Let us suppose that the present missionaries to China and Africa were sent merely to minister to the English and Americans scattered through those lands, no opening whatever being had to the natives, and, moreover, that, besides much and painful travelling (sic) through dark forests, they were most meagrely (sic) supplied with the means of subsistence, with clothing, and homes, so that scarce any of them could venture to assume the relation of husbands and fathers; can we suppose that such men as those we now send out as missionaries would be ready to engage in the work, when there are so many stations at home furnishing larger opportunities of usefulness ? Let us not, therefore, be surprised, if, in subsequent notices, we should find an inferior order of men supplying the churches of Virginia. Nor let any denomination of Christians boast itself over the Church of Virginia, since, under similar circumstances, it might not have done better.